Why some Koreans look beyond their culture to Islam

An estimated 45,000 ethnic Koreans raised in South Korea have converted to Islam, with many younger people seeking alternatives to competitive dating and mainstream cultural expectations. At Seoul Central Masjid in Itaewon, five to 25 new converts attend basic Islamic training each month, most of them men. Converts cite simplicity, belief in one God, respect for elders and community as reasons for embracing Islam. Korean Muslim influencers and blended Islamic-Korean styles are making the faith more accessible to potential converts.

Yusuf converted to Islam in 2014 after meeting Muslim friends at an English-speaking club and said learning a new religion helped him move beyond Korea’s insular culture.

Students at Seoul Central Masjid may recite the Shahada, the Muslim declaration of faith and first of Islam’s five pillars, after completing basic religious training.

Muslim communities appeared recurrently on the Korean Peninsula during the Silla, Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, the Japanese occupation, the Korean War and the 1970s oil crisis.

The Huihui, a Chinese Muslim group, are credited with introducing distilling techniques that contributed to the creation of soju.

The first 250 native converts in contemporary South Korean history were influenced by Turkish Muslim troops who provided aid during the Korean War.

Published Oct 12, 2026 5:10 am KST

The Seoul Central Masjid sits on a hilltop in Itaewon, March 8, 2025. Korea Times photo by Jon Dunbar

An estimated 45,000 ethnic Koreans born and raised in South Korea have changed their faith to Islam. Among them is Yusuf, an ethnic Korean in his 30s who converted to Islam in 2014.

“Most of the men do it to find wives," Yusuf said.

Disillusioned with Korea's competitive dating culture, especially in Seoul, many of the men seeking out Islam are also seeking a return to what Yusuf described as a simpler path to marriage.

At Seoul Central Masjid in Itaewon, between five and 25 new converts arrive every month for the training course in basic Islamic tenets. Students may choose to recite the Shahada — the Muslim declaration of faith and the first of the five pillars of the religion — and officially convert to Islam at the end. Most of them are men.

Female converts, while not explicitly motivated by marriage, also cited “simplicity” when asked about why they became Muslim. Two interviewees said they found the basic premise of Islam — one God — appealing. Areum, a Korean follower in her 30s, said Islam’s respect for elders also aligned well with her native Korean culture, making her conversion easier to explain to her parents.

Yusuf, Areum and other Korean converts cited a sense of not feeling fulfilled by their native culture alone. Islam is one of many paths young Koreans see as a way out of the complexities of traditional Korean culture.

Tackling stereotypes around Islam, for many of the converts interviewed, was an exercise in purposefully embracing people and values that Korean media might portray in a negative light. A representative from the Seoul Central Masjid said a majority of interested Koreans who stop by are in their 20s and 30s, reflecting a growing trend among young Koreans disenchanted with mainstream societal expectations.

The history of Korean Islam reflects the rise and fall of the nation's political fortunes. In times of increased exchange with the world, Muslim traders and workers have migrated to the peninsula. A native Muslim community in Korea has never taken hold continuously, meaning previous Muslim populations are not the direct predecessors of contemporary Korean Muslims.

The first recorded Muslim immigrants to Korea were traders from the Middle East during the 57 B.C.-935 A.D. Silla Dynasty. Since then, Muslim communities formed recurrently during the 918-1392 Goryeo Dynasty and 1392-1910 Joseon Dynasty, as well as under the 1910-45 Japanese occupation, surrounding the 1950-53 Korean War and in the 1970s during the oil crisis.

Although their integration and assimilation has always been inconsistent, rather than existing in complete segregation, Muslim groups have had significant cultural exchange with Korean society. For example, the Huihui, a Chinese Muslim group, are credited with introducing the distilling techniques that led to the creation of soju, a popular Korean alcohol.

The existence and status of Muslim communities in Korea has reflected politics since their inception. At various points in Korean history, the practice of Islam has been restricted, including under King Sejong (1397-1450), who forbade public rituals, effectively forcing assimilation. Likewise, acceptance of Muslim migrants and native converts is marked by opportunity. The first 250 native converts in contemporary South Korean history were influenced by the presence and aid from Turkish Muslim troops committed to the Korean War.

EID Halal Korean Food is open in central Seoul's multicultural Itaewon neighborhood, Oct. 10. Courtesy of Nathalie M. Kwon

The latest chapter of native Korean conversion to Islam since the 1990s reflects a national trend in religiosity, with the total proportion of native South Koreans who subscribe to any religion growing steadily since the 1960s. However, the success of other imported religions in Korea, such as Christianity, has always followed a “Koreanization” of that religion to accommodate societal norms. Contemporary Muslim communities, including native converts, in Korea today are distinct in their visible and conceptual distance from Korean culture. This distance is also a basis for the appeal of Islam to potential native followers.

However, this sharp contrast between Islam and Korean culture may be softening. Parallel to the small but steady flow of Koreans converting to Islam also comes the rise of Korean Muslim influencers. Among the Indonesian community in Korea, certain Korean husbands of Indonesian wives are popular for their TikTok channels. Korean convert influencer accounts have thousands of followers, such as those with content about their Muslim "oppa” — a Korean term that can be used for a romantic partner. Female Korean Muslim influencers have similar followings for their channels on lifestyle, and are popular for mixing hijab and traditional Korean hanbok fashion.

The hybridization of Islamic and Korean styles might increase the religion’s potential to stick with native converts.

Take Ayana Jihye Moon, for example. Originally from Korea, she converted to Islam in her teenage years, citing curiosity about the religion after hearing mentions of it as a child during the Iraq War. She went on to pursue higher education, eventually settling in Indonesia as a Korean Muslim fashion influencer. Another Korean Muslim figure with a significant following is Daud Kim, whose YouTube videos explain his life as a convert. Both influencers have both Korean and international audiences. Their niche identity and willingness to share have made the religion more accessible to their Korean peers that traditional proselytizing may not otherwise have reached.

Although Yusuf questioned the authenticity of these converts, he said all are welcome to explore Islam, whatever their initial motivation might have been. He first developed an interest in Islam after meeting Muslim friends at an English-speaking club. He said learning a foreign language, and then a new religion, was a way for him to break out of the confines of Korea's “insular” culture.

While some worry that converting to Islam could lead to isolation or ostracization, the converts themselves reported finding a greater sense of community. Some Korean converts do report discrimination or exclusion by Korean acquaintances and coworkers, but cite their newfound community of likeminded Muslims as more than enough support to make the leap.

As Areum put it, despite living in Korea her whole life, visiting the Seoul mosque for the first time “finally felt like I came home.”

Nathalie M. Kwon is a visiting researcher at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. Her specialty is in migration and exchange between Central Asia and Korea. She will give a lecture for Royal Asiatic Society Korea about ethnic Korean diaspora communities in Korea on Oct. 14.

据估计，约有4.5万名在韩国长大的韩裔人士皈依伊斯兰教，其中许多年轻人寻求的是一种不同于竞争激烈的恋爱关系和主流文化期望的选择。在首尔梨泰院的中央清真寺，每月有5至25名新皈依者参加伊斯兰教基础培训，其中大多数是男性。皈依者表示，伊斯兰教的简朴、对真主的信仰、对长辈和社群的尊重是他们选择皈依的原因。韩国穆斯林意见领袖以及伊斯兰教与韩国文化融合的生活方式，使得伊斯兰教更容易被潜在的皈依者所接受。

优素福在2014年于一家英语俱乐部结识了穆斯林朋友后皈依伊斯兰教，他说学习一种新的宗教帮助他走出了韩国封闭的文化。

首尔中央清真寺的学生在完成基础宗教训练后，可以诵读沙哈达，这是穆斯林的信仰宣言，也是伊斯兰教五大支柱之首。

在朝鲜半岛，新罗、高丽、朝鲜王朝时期，日本占领时期，朝鲜战争时期以及 20 世纪 70 年代的石油危机期间，穆斯林社区反复出现。

中国穆斯林团体回回会被认为是引入蒸馏技术的人，这对烧酒的诞生起到了促进作用。

韩国近代史上前 250 名本土皈依者受到了朝鲜战争期间提供援助的土耳其穆斯林军队的影响。

发布于2026年10月12日凌晨5:10（韩国标准时间）

2025年3月8日，首尔中央清真寺坐落在梨泰院的山顶上。韩国时报摄影师Jon Dunbar摄

据估计，约有45000名在韩国出生长大的朝鲜族人改信伊斯兰教。其中就包括30多岁的朝鲜族人优素福，他于2014年皈依伊斯兰教。

“大多数男人这样做是为了找老婆，”优素福说。

许多对韩国竞争激烈的约会文化（尤其是在首尔）感到失望的男性皈依伊斯兰教，也希望回归优素福所描述的更简单的婚姻之路。

在首尔梨泰院的中央清真寺，每月有5到25名新皈依者前来参加伊斯兰教基本教义的培训课程。学员可以选择念诵清真言——穆斯林的信仰宣言，也是伊斯兰教五功之首——并在课程结束时正式皈依伊斯兰教。他们大多是男性。

虽然女性皈依伊斯兰教并非出于婚姻的明确动机，但当被问及皈依伊斯兰教的原因时，她们也提到了“简单”这一因素。两位受访者表示，她们被伊斯兰教的基本教义——独一真主——所吸引。30多岁的韩国信徒雅琳（Areum）表示，伊斯兰教尊重长辈的价值观也与她的韩国文化非常契合，这使得她更容易向父母解释自己的皈依行为。

优素福、雅琳和其他皈依伊斯兰教的韩国人表示，他们觉得仅靠本土文化无法获得满足感。伊斯兰教是许多韩国年轻人视为摆脱韩国传统文化复杂性的途径之一。

对许多受访的皈依者来说，消除对伊斯兰教的刻板印象，意味着他们要主动接纳那些韩国媒体可能以负面形象描绘的人和价值观。首尔中央清真寺的一位代表表示，前来参观的韩国人大多是二三十岁的年轻人，这反映出越来越多的韩国年轻人对主流社会期望感到失望。

韩国伊斯兰教的历史反映了韩国政治命运的兴衰。随着与世界交流的日益频繁，穆斯林商人和劳工纷纷移居朝鲜半岛。韩国从未形成持续稳定的本土穆斯林社群，这意味着以往的穆斯林群体并非当代韩国穆斯林的直接祖先。

据记载，最早来到韩国的穆斯林移民是公元前57年至公元935年新罗王朝时期来自中东的商人。此后，在918年至1392年高丽王朝、1392年至1910年朝鲜王朝、1910年至1945年日本占领时期、1950年至1953年朝鲜战争前后以及20世纪70年代石油危机期间，穆斯林社区都曾多次形成。

尽管穆斯林群体融入韩国社会的过程并非一帆风顺，但他们与韩国社会并非完全隔绝，而是保持着密切的文化交流。例如，中国穆斯林群体会会（Huihui）就被认为是将蒸馏技术引入韩国，并最终促成了韩国流行酒类——烧酒（soju）的诞生。

自韩国穆斯林社群诞生以来，其存在和地位就与政治息息相关。在韩国历史上，伊斯兰教的实践曾多次受到限制，例如世宗大王（1397-1450 年）时期，他禁止公开的宗教仪式，实际上强制推行同化政策。同样，对穆斯林移民和本土皈依者的接纳也取决于机遇。在韩国近代史上，最早的 250 名本土皈依者受到了参与朝鲜战争的土耳其穆斯林军队的影响和援助。

EID清真韩国料理于10月10日在首尔市中心多元文化的梨泰院街区开业。图片由Nathalie M. Kwon提供。

自20世纪90年代以来，韩国本土皈依伊斯兰教的最新篇章反映了韩国宗教信仰的全国性趋势，自20世纪60年代以来，信奉任何宗教的韩国本土人口比例一直在稳步增长。然而，其他外来宗教，例如基督教，在韩国的成功传播都伴随着宗教的“韩国化”，以适应社会规范。如今，包括本土皈依者在内的当代韩国穆斯林群体，在外观和概念上都与韩国文化保持着显著的距离。这种距离也是伊斯兰教对潜在的本土信徒具有吸引力的原因之一。

然而，伊斯兰教与韩国文化之间的这种鲜明对比或许正在逐渐缓和。随着越来越多的韩国人皈依伊斯兰教，韩国穆斯林网红也开始崛起。在韩国的印尼社群中，一些娶了印尼妻子的韩国丈夫因其TikTok账号而广受欢迎。一些皈依伊斯兰教的韩国网红账号拥有成千上万的粉丝，例如那些发布与他们的穆斯林“欧巴”（韩语中对伴侣的称呼）相关内容的账号。韩国穆斯林女性网红也拥有类似的粉丝群体，她们的账号内容涵盖生活方式，并因将头巾与传统韩服混搭而备受追捧。

伊斯兰教和韩国风格的融合可能会增加该宗教在本土皈依者中留存的可能性。

以Ayana Jihye Moon为例。她原籍韩国，十几岁时皈依伊斯兰教。她表示，童年时期在伊拉克战争期间听到过一些关于伊斯兰教的介绍，出于好奇，她最终皈依了伊斯兰教。之后，她继续深造，最终定居印度尼西亚，成为一名韩国穆斯林时尚博主。另一位拥有大量粉丝的韩国穆斯林是Daud Kim，他的YouTube视频讲述了他皈依伊斯兰教后的生活。这两位博主都拥有韩国和国际粉丝。他们独特的身份和乐于分享的精神，使得伊斯兰教更容易被韩国同龄人所接受，而传统的传教方式可能难以触及到他们。

尽管优素福对这些皈依者的真实性有所质疑，但他表示，无论最初的动机如何，都欢迎所有人探索伊斯兰教。他本人是在参加一个英语俱乐部并结识了一些穆斯林朋友后，才开始对伊斯兰教产生兴趣的。他说，学习一门外语，然后再学习一种新的宗教，是他突破韩国“封闭”文化束缚的一种方式。

尽管有些人担心皈依伊斯兰教会导致孤立或排斥，但皈依者们却表示找到了更强的归属感。一些韩国皈依者确实反映遭到韩国熟人和同事的歧视或排斥，但他们认为，新结识的志同道合的穆斯林社群给予了他们足够的支持，促使他们做出皈依的决定。

正如雅琳所说，尽管她一生都生活在韩国，但第一次参观首尔清真寺时，“终于感觉像回家了一样”。

权娜塔莉是韩国外国语大学的访问学者，她的研究专长是中亚与韩国之间的移民和交流。她将于10月14日为韩国皇家亚洲学会作关于韩国境内朝鲜族侨民社区的讲座。