Pakistan suspends Iran border trade, amid violence on both sides

Islamabad cites security concerns, while Tehran points to technical issues as Pakistan mediates between Iran and the US.

Pakistan and Iran share a 900km border [File: Naseer Ahmed/Reuters]

Islamabad, Pakistan — Pakistan has halted trade with Iran at the Taftan and Gabd-Rimdan crossings in Balochistan province, leaving freight stranded on both sides of the border.

The suspension decision emerged on Saturday, as the Quetta Chamber of Commerce and Industry (QCCI) in the provincial capital said about 2,000 trucks were stuck on both sides.

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Passenger traffic at Gabd-Rimdan has continued, reported the Iranian news agency WANA.

Pakistan’s federal government has not commented publicly. Al Jazeera received no response from authorities in Balochistan, as both Islamabad and Tehran have offered different explanations for the border closure.

Bakhtiar Ismail, deputy commissioner of Chagai district, where the Taftan crossing is located, described the move as a security measure.

“Pakistan-Iran border closure is a temporary measure to improve border management to support counterterrorism efforts. The border will be opened as soon as effective measures are in place,” he wrote on X on Saturday.

Shahid Rind, an aide to Balochistan’s chief minister on political and media affairs, wrote on X the same day that the closure was meant to address security concerns, prevent smuggling and make the border system more effective.

Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman, Esmaeil Baghaei, gave a different explanation.

“Due to certain technical issues and the necessity of implementing precautionary measures, cross-border movement and exchanges have been temporarily halted,” he said, according to the IRNA state news agency.

Imtiaz Baloch, a Quetta-based independent researcher who focuses on security in Balochistan, said security might be only part of the explanation.

“Although Pakistani officials have cited security concerns, the decision to close the border appears to be motivated by broader strategic considerations, with security as a possible factor amid economic sanctions on Iran,” he told Al Jazeera.

Javad Heiran-Nia, who heads the Persian Gulf Studies Group at the Center for Scientific Research and Middle East Strategic Studies in Iran, said Tehran’s wording could cover several issues.

“In my view, these expressions could refer to operational and administrative problems at border crossings, customs procedures, the verification of trade documents, financial transactions, or tighter security controls,” he told Al Jazeera.

Pakistan has mediated between Washington and Tehran since the US-Israeli war on Iran began on February 28. Islamabad brokered a ceasefire on April 8, but it collapsed within days. The US subsequently blockaded Iran’s southern ports.

With Iranian ports blocked, an April 25 Commerce Ministry order allowed third-country goods to be trucked to Iran along six routes ending at Gabd and Taftan.

In June, Pakistan and Qatar brokered the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding, signed electronically by US President Donald Trump and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.

It called for the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, lifting the blockade and 60 days of talks on a lasting settlement.

The agreement lasted about a month. In July, Iran said it was no longer bound by parts of the deal after the US resumed attacks and its naval blockade.

Washington has since widened its sanctions. On August 24, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced a campaign called Operation Economic Outcast, extending sanctions to shipping, gold, aviation and digital assets.

Earlier this month, Pakistan’s Foreign Office spokesman Sajjad Haider Khan said Pakistan would continue to comply with all applicable sanctions regimes, without specifying which.

Official bilateral trade between Iran and Pakistan is not massive – about $2.8bn in 2023-24, including $684m in Pakistani exports, according to the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FPCCI). Analysts say decades of US sanctions on Iran are a major factor.

Pakistan’s own insecurity

But the US and the pressure it imposes on countries like Pakistan are not the only factors that influence Islamabad’s approach towards the border with Iran.

Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province, covers 44 percent of the country with a population of almost 15 million in the 2023 census.

The country’s poorest province, which borders Iran, has seen several uprisings since 1948. The latest, led by Baloch nationalist rebels, has continued for two decades.

The rebels accuse the state of exploiting local natural resources while communities remain deprived.

The number of attacks has risen sharply this year. The Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies (PICSS), an Islamabad-based think tank, recorded 62 security personnel killed in Balochistan in July, up from six in June. In September, it counted 225 attacks by armed groups nationwide, the highest monthly figure in 12 years.

At least 20 police personnel were abducted from a van in Mastung district on Friday.

Two days later, an army major was killed by an improvised explosive device in Gwadar district, said the military’s media wing, Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR).

Violence too in Chagai, the remote Balochistan district bordering Iran. Four travellers, including a customs official, were abducted from a coach there earlier this month.

Security analyst Imtiaz Baloch said Pakistani officials have long blamed the violence on porous borders.

“However, the issue goes beyond border permeability alone. Although armed groups remain active in the region, their mobilisation appears to be directed towards specific targets, and there is currently no clear indication of a broader mobilisation of armed groups on either side of the border,” he said.

Unrest across the border

Iran’s Sistan-Baluchestan province, just across the border, has also seen repeated attacks on security forces.

Pakistani pilgrims returning from Iran at the Taftan border crossing, June 19, 2025. [Naseer Ahmed/Reuters]

On October 9, Nosrat Eftekhari, a senior official in the provincial police command, was killed by a roadside bomb near Zahedan, Iranian media reported. The killing followed several other security-related incidents.

Days later, on October 14, the commander of a women’s unit of the Basij paramilitary force was shot dead outside her home in Mehrestan district, Tasnim news agency reported. Another officer was killed in a separate attack on a police vehicle in the same district.

A coalition of Baloch armed groups formed last December, with Jaish al-Adl, a Sunni Baloch armed group established in 2012, as its main member, has claimed some of those attacks in Sistan-Baluchestan province.

Tehran has long accused the group of operating from Pakistan, but Islamabad has repeatedly said it has no organised presence on Pakistani soil.

Heiran-Nia cautioned against linking the attacks directly to Pakistan.

“It is important to distinguish between the presence of armed groups in Pakistan and evidence that they crossed the border to carry out a specific attack,” he said.

Tehran-based political analyst Seyed Reza Hashemi Jebeli said Tehran wanted the Pakistani government to do more to prevent cross-border attacks.

“The key issue for Tehran is that Pakistan should meet its commitments to prevent anti-Iranian armed groups from operating in border areas,” he told Al Jazeera.

A history of suspicion

Tehran’s accusations are not new. After Jaish al-Adl claimed an attack in December 2023 that killed 11 Iranian police officers, Iran’s then foreign minister urged Pakistan to take action.

On January 16, 2024, Iran carried out missile and drone attacks in Panjgur, another border district. Pakistan said the attacks killed two children. Two days later, Pakistan struck targets in Iran’s Sistan-Baluchestan province, killing at least nine people. Intense diplomacy calmed tensions on the border and the neighbours agreed to expand security cooperation.

Heiran-Nia said a prolonged closure of the border crossings could test Pakistan’s role as mediator between the US and Iran.

“If the border dispute remains unresolved, Tehran may question whether Islamabad can simultaneously maintain productive relations with Iran and cooperate with Washington’s pressure campaign,” he told Al Jazeera.

伊斯兰堡方面援引安全方面的担忧，而德黑兰方面则指出技术问题，因为巴基斯坦正在伊朗和美国之间进行调解。

巴基斯坦和伊朗共享一条长达900公里的边界线。[图片：Naseer Ahmed/路透社]

巴基斯坦伊斯兰堡——巴基斯坦已停止与伊朗在俾路支省塔夫坦和加布德-里姆丹口岸的贸易，导致货物滞留在边境两侧。

周六，奎达工商会（QCCI）表示，约有 2000 辆卡车被困在道路两侧，随后便公布了暂停通行的决定。

列表 1/4：随着胡塞武装与沙特冲突升级，巴基斯坦为何与伊朗展开对话

（共4条记录，此为第2条）伊朗总统佩泽什基扬在德黑兰会见巴基斯坦总统纳克维，伊朗与美国的紧张关系加剧

伊朗表示，在美方满足条件之前，霍尔木兹海峡将继续关闭。伊朗称，霍尔木兹海峡将继续关闭，直至美国满足相关条件。

（共4条记录，此为第4条）美国和伊朗均声称控制霍尔木兹海峡，此前两国曾发生船只袭击事件。

据伊朗通讯社WANA报道，加布德-里姆丹机场的客运交通仍在继续。

巴基斯坦联邦政府尚未对此事发表公开评论。半岛电视台也未收到俾路支省当局的任何回应，因为伊斯兰堡和德黑兰方面对关闭边境给出了不同的解释。

塔夫坦过境点​​所在的查盖区副专员巴赫蒂亚尔·伊斯梅尔将此举描述为一项安全措施。

“巴基斯坦-伊朗边境关闭是一项临时措施，旨在改善边境管理，支持反恐工作。一旦有效措施到位，边境将立即开放。”他周六在X网站上写道。

俾路支省首席部长负责政治和媒体事务的助手沙希德·林德当天在 X 上撰文称，关闭边境是为了解决安全问题，防止走私，并使边境系统更加有效。

伊朗外交部发言人伊斯梅尔·巴盖伊给出了不同的解释。

据伊朗伊斯兰共和国通讯社（IRNA）报道，他表示：“由于某些技术问题以及实施预防措施的必要性，跨境人员流动和交流已暂时停止。”

奎达的独立研究员伊姆蒂亚兹·巴洛赫（Imtiaz Baloch）专注于俾路支省的安全问题，他表示，安全问题可能只是部分原因。

“尽管巴基斯坦官员声称是出于安全考虑，但关闭边境的决定似乎是出于更广泛的战略考量，在对伊朗实施经济制裁的情况下，安全可能是一个重要因素，”他告诉半岛电视台。

伊朗科学研究与中东战略研究中心波斯湾研究小组负责人贾瓦德·海兰-尼亚表示，德黑兰的措辞可能涵盖多个问题。

“在我看来，这些说法可能指的是边境口岸的运营和管理问题、海关程序、贸易文件的核查、金融交易或更严格的安全控制，”他告诉半岛电视台。

自2月28日美以对伊朗开战以来，巴基斯坦一直在华盛顿和德黑兰之间进行调解。伊斯兰堡于4月8日促成停火，但停火协议在几天内便宣告破裂。随后，美国封锁了伊朗南部港口。

由于伊朗港口被封锁，4 月 25 日商务部的一项命令允许第三国货物通过六条以加布德和塔夫坦为终点的路线用卡车运往伊朗。

6 月，巴基斯坦和卡塔尔斡旋签署了《伊斯兰堡谅解备忘录》，美国总统唐纳德·特朗普和伊朗总统马苏德·佩泽什基安以电子方式签署了该备忘录。

它呼吁重新开放霍尔木兹海峡，解除封锁，并就持久解决方案进行为期 60 天的谈判。

该协议持续了大约一个月。7月，在美国恢复袭击和海上封锁后，伊朗表示不再受该协议部分条款的约束。

此后，华盛顿扩大了制裁范围。8月24日，财政部长斯科特·贝森特宣布启动一项名为“经济排斥行动”的行动，将制裁范围扩大到航运、黄金、航空和数字资产领域。

本月初，巴基斯坦外交部发言人萨贾德·海德尔·汗表示，巴基斯坦将继续遵守所有适用的制裁制度，但没有具体说明是哪些制裁制度。

伊朗和巴基斯坦之间的官方双边贸易额并不大——据巴基斯坦工商联合会（FPCCI）的数据，2023-2024财年约为28亿美元，其中巴基斯坦对伊朗的出口额为6.84亿美元。分析人士认为，美国对伊朗长达数十年的制裁是造成这一现象的主要原因。

巴基斯坦自身的不安全感

但是，美国及其对巴基斯坦等国施加的压力并不是影响伊斯兰堡对伊朗边境政策的唯一因素。

巴基斯坦最大的省份俾路支省占该国面积的 44%，2023 年人口普查显示，该省人口接近 1500 万。

该国最贫困的省份与伊朗接壤，自 1948 年以来发生过多次起义。最近一次起义由俾路​​支民族主义叛军领导，已经持续了二十年。

反叛分子指责政府剥削当地自然资源，而当地社区却依然贫困。

今年袭击事件数量急剧上升。总部位于伊斯兰堡的智库——巴基斯坦冲突与安全研究所（PICSS）记录显示，7月份俾路支省有62名安全人员丧生，高于6月份的6人。9月份，该研究所统计全国范围内共发生225起武装团体发动的袭击，创下12年来的单月最高纪录。

周五，马斯通区一辆面包车内至少有 20 名警察被绑架。

两天后，一名陆军少校在瓜达尔地区被简易爆炸装置炸死，军方媒体部门三军公共关系部（ISPR）表示。

在与伊朗接壤的俾路支省偏远地区查盖也发生了暴力事件。本月初，包括一名海关官员在内的四名旅客在当地一辆旅游巴士上被绑架。

安全分析师伊姆蒂亚兹·巴洛赫表示，巴基斯坦官员长期以来一直将暴力事件归咎于边境管控不力。

“然而，这个问题不仅仅在于边境的开放程度。虽然武装团体在该地区仍然活跃，但他们的动员似乎针对特定目标，目前没有明确迹象表明边境两侧存在更广泛的武装团体动员，”他说道。

边境地区动荡不安

与伊朗接壤的锡斯坦-俾路支斯坦省也多次发生针对安全部队的袭击事件。

2025年6月19日，巴基斯坦朝圣者从伊朗返回，途经塔夫坦边境口岸。[纳西尔·艾哈迈德/路透社]

据伊朗媒体报道，10月9日，省警察局高级官员诺斯拉特·埃夫特哈里在扎黑丹附近遭路边炸弹袭击身亡。此前，该省还发生了数起其他安全事件。

几天后的10月14日，据塔斯尼姆通讯社报道，巴斯基民兵女子部队的一名指挥官在梅赫雷斯坦区家门外遭枪击身亡。在同一地区发生的另一起针对警车的袭击事件中，另一名警官丧生。

去年 12 月成立的俾路支武装团体联盟，以 2012 年成立的逊尼派俾路支武装团体“正义军”（Jaish al-Adl）为主要成员，声称对锡斯坦-俾路支斯坦省的一些袭击事件负责。

德黑兰长期以来一直指责该组织在巴基斯坦境内活动，但伊斯兰堡一再表示该组织在巴基斯坦境内没有任何有组织的活动。

海兰-尼亚警告不要将袭击事件直接与巴基斯坦联系起来。

他说：“区分巴基斯坦境内武装团体的存在和他们越境实施特定袭击的证据非常重要。”

德黑兰政治分析家赛义德·雷扎·哈希米·杰贝利表示，德黑兰希望巴基斯坦政府采取更多措施来防止跨境袭击。

“对德黑兰来说，关键问题是巴基斯坦应该履行其承诺，防止反伊朗武装团体在边境地区活动，”他告诉半岛电视台。

一段充满怀疑的历史

德黑兰的指控并非新鲜事。2023年12月，伊朗“正义军”（Jaish al-Adl）声称对造成11名伊朗警察死亡的袭击事件负责后，时任伊朗外交部长敦促巴基斯坦采取行动。

2024年1月16日，伊朗对巴基斯坦边境地区潘杰古尔发动导弹和无人机袭击。巴基斯坦称袭击造成两名儿童死亡。两天后，巴基斯坦袭击了伊朗锡斯坦-俾路支斯坦省的目标，造成至少9人死亡。双方积极开展外交斡旋，缓和了边境紧张局势，并同意扩大安全合作。

海兰-尼亚表示，边境口岸长期关闭可能会考验巴基斯坦作为美国和伊朗之间调解人的角色。

“如果边界争端得不到解决，德黑兰可能会质疑伊斯兰堡能否在与伊朗保持富有成效的关系的同时，配合华盛顿的施压行动，”他告诉半岛电视台。