Wars, executive actions, and a lot of construction: How Trump is expected to handle being a lame-duck president

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President Donald Trump, resoundingly rejected by voters on Tuesday night, is entering the final phase of his elected career wounded but newly determined to retain an iron grip on power.

The concluding years of his presidency will be frustrating ones, many of his allies admit, as Democrats embark on promised investigations that could ensnare the president and his top allies. Amid those fights, Republicans will eventually move to identify Trump’s successor, perhaps more quickly than the president once expected.

Trump has not ruled out trying to strike deals with the newly empowered Democrats, and some advisers say the president’s capacity for forging unlikely partnerships could serve him well as his time in office wanes. No longer the opposition party, Democrats will be under pressure to show an ability to govern, which could incentivize deal-making with Trump.

But he’s also recently dubbed himself “Mr. Veto” when musing about how he would handle Democrats controlling the legislative branch, and his record during his first term as president doesn’t exactly inspire confidence in cross-aisle cooperation. One source involved in internal discussions said while Trump may appear conciliatory in the immediate post-election moment, his behavior in the years ahead will come down to how Democrats wield their power.

“If you have a Congress that’s willing to strike deals, he’s a deal-maker,” the source said. “If you have a Congress that’s going to come in and immediately only focus on investigations — then you’re going to get a very different version of Trump.”

Tuesday’s outcome was one the president and his advisers have been anticipating and preparing for, even as Trump embarked on a month-long blitz of red states endeavoring to retain Republican congressional majorities but also demonstrate his singular status as the party’s head. The intensive campaigning left Trump, by his own admission, exhausted and ready for a break.

Still, the outcome was Trump’s worst-case scenario. And 10 years after first entering office, the prospect of being labeled a lame-duck is now driving him to consider new ways to assert his relevance, officials and advisers said, even as many in his party begin to envision a future without him as their leader.

In the immediate term, that could mean a swift renewal of the war against Iran, which Trump has strongly hinted he’s prepared to resume once the midterm season has ended. US and Iranian negotiators had been working unsuccessfully over the last several days to strike a new deal.

The president’s team has also spent months exploring ways to wield expansive executive authority to advance areas of his agenda that no longer appear likely to gain approval in Congress, including immigration and federal spending. Those close to the president say he’s ready to push the boundaries of his executive power to force through his goals.

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No longer hampered by voters’ concerns he is spending too much time on foreign policy and his pet projects, Trump is expected to dive headlong into both, attending three major international summits over the coming weeks and dedicating more time to the various construction projects he has been pursuing in Washington, according to people familiar with the matter. The day after the election, Trump called an impromptu event to show off White House ballroom construction.

In the hours after both chambers were called for Democrats, the president did not seem prepared to accept responsibility for Republicans’ defeats. He has regularly pointed to historic precedent showing midterm losses for the sitting president’s party. Trump has also complained about certain candidates’ likability and inability to fundraise effectively — despite having chosen many of them.

He has griped privately at Republicans who questioned his approach of making the midterms about himself, blaming his past losses instead on candidate missteps or alleged fraud. He has rarely course corrected after past political setbacks.

Yet the prospect of a staffing shakeup has not been ruled out, and many administration officials have begun to look beyond the White House as they plot career moves, according to several Trump aides. His top political advisers have privately blamed Republicans’ shortfalls on the Iran war, and many believe Trump could be looking for a scapegoat.

Democrats have made clear they intend to use congressional majorities to issue subpoenas and hold hearings focused on the actions of the president and his allies. Trump warned on the campaign trail that he could be impeached again. Polls showed that voters’ corruption concerns surged ahead of the election.

“Lawyer up,” read a two-word statement from the incoming Democratic chairman of the House Oversight Committee Robert Garcia after his party won control of the chamber — and its subpoena power.

Administration lawyers have been expecting potential investigations for months. Yet as late as September, the extensive preparation that some in the West Wing had anticipated to ready the president and his senior advisers for potential Democratic probes wasn’t happening in earnest, Trump advisers told CNN, even as some officials have personally lawyered up.

White House chief of staff Susie Wiles, in particular, would often shut down conversations regarding a likely onslaught of oversight probes into those operating at the highest levels of the administration, one of the advisers said, believing it could pull focus away from the campaign.

“She would always say, ‘We are going to win and we’re going to put all our energy into winning,’” the adviser remarked of Wiles’ attitude in the months leading up to the midterm elections.

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Other White House officials argued that Wiles had privately told the White House Counsel’s office to prepare for what Democrats may do, even as she told staff to “keep their eye on the prize” — as one of them characterized it.

“Quietly preparing for that scenario doesn’t mean deployment of that scenario,” one of the officials said.

The Counsel’s office has also hired an additional 15 lawyers in recent months dedicated to protecting the administration from future oversight probes.

“If crazed Democrats want to abuse their power and politicize the process of investigating and subpoenaing and try to destroy lives, they should be reminded that we still control the federal government and all of its powers,” a White House official said.

Still, some officials have hired their own attorneys or considered purchasing legal insurance to cover what many anticipate will be steep fees if they become embroiled in an investigation. After many staffers in the first administration were burned by exorbitant expenses during the January 6 investigation, other junior staffers have privately mulled if they should stay at their jobs, noting that they expect Democrats to cast a wide net.

There have also been conversations involving Trump and White House counsel Will Scharf, among others, over the wisdom of preemptive pardons for staffers. They have not decided whether to proceed, though Trump has not ruled it out.

Many in the West Wing believe the president is personally expecting the worst when it comes to Democratic investigations — having already experienced two impeachment trials during his first term.

“He went through this already once before, of course he expects the worst,” one source told CNN.

There have been moments in his private discussions with his most trusted allies when he acknowledged the magnitude of what a Democratic-controlled Congress could mean for his final two years in office, sources familiar with the discussions said.

“He remembers what it was like to have his family and his aides be dragged through the mud, let alone face two impeachments,” a White House official said.

White House officials are clear-eyed that divided government means any sweeping legislation Trump wants passed will be virtually impossible. But they’re also quick to remind the president that his agenda throughout his second term has largely been carried out via executive order without relying on Congress.

Advisers say that pattern will only intensify with Democrats in control of the House and Senate with ample majorities.

The president’s expansive use of his executive authority has been headed by deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller and budget chief Russell Vought. Both played major roles in planning some of the more controversial actions Trump took early in his term, such as immigration crackdowns and steep cuts to federal government programs.

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Now, administration lawyers are looking at actions on immigration , federal spending and tariffs that could advance areas of the president’s agenda where congressional action appears unlikely. Possible measures include tightening rules on visas, applying new duties on imports and easing certain regulations.

A narrow Democratic majority in the Senate may not make a drastic difference in Trump’s legislative strategy. Filibuster rules require most major legislation to secure 60 votes. However, a notable exception is presidential nominations, including for federal judges — Democrats could block any potential nominee to the Supreme Court if a vacancy arises over the next two years, something multiple Republican officials expressed concern over.

Some Trump advisers believe Democrats, looking to demonstrate governing abilities, will seek out areas of compromise, at least in the narrow window before the 2028 presidential election cycle begins.

“I’m a person that likes getting things done, and there are things that we can work with,” Trump told Fox News on Tuesday night, only listing immigration as an area of potential compromise but not elaborating further.

Trump has promised he will veto any legislation sent by Democrats that butts up against his promises, and on Tuesday posted an image of a red hat with the word “VETO” in large white letters. Overriding a presidential veto requires two-thirds of the House and Senate.

“I guess I’ll become Mr. Veto,” Trump told the New York Post podcast before Election Day. “And then at some point, we’ll probably make deals.”

After spending much of the past two years focused intently on wars abroad, Trump sought to put the conflicts in Iran and Ukraine on the backburner during the midterm campaign. Efforts to end both definitively are now poised to ramp back up.

Many presidents in their final years turn to foreign policy, where their unilateral powers are greater and Congress has limited ability to restrict their actions. And it has the potential to burnish a presidential legacy.

For Trump, who openly pines for a Nobel Peace Prize, it has also proved frustrating. The war in Iran has stretched longer than anticipated, and Trump has privately vented that it badly damaged his party’s midterm chances.

Some Trump allies expect he will find someone to take the blame now that the campaign is over. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who has been a proponent of the war, is seen by some allies as potentially vulnerable. Democrats and even some Republicans have already suggested Hegseth will be a prime target for potential impeachment proceedings, among other probes. Meanwhile Trump, always one to crowdsource an opinion, has asked allies about their thoughts on Hegseth’s performance of late.

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“The bottom line is that Trump feels misled (on the Iran war) — he was misled,” one Trump adviser told CNN. “And somebody should pay for that.”

Trump told Fox on Tuesday he was not considering a Cabinet shakeup, and another member of Trump’s circle said the president has made clear he believes Hegseth should fight back against potential impeachment proceedings. Trump has defended Hegseth and dismissed Democratic efforts to remove him, calling him a “great warrior.”

In 2006, then-President George W. Bush swiftly announced the departure of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld after Republicans suffered a drubbing in that year’s midterms, driven in part by the unpopular Iraq war.

It’s not clear whether Trump would shake up his team before a definitive end to the Iran conflict . For weeks, top advisers have been debating plans for new strikes on Iran, hoping to bring the eight-month conflict to a conclusive end. Not everyone on the president’s team believes imminent action would be productive, and some are pushing for more time to try striking a deal.

Either way, the Iran war has become a burden for a president who once promised not to get the country embroiled in a foreign conflict. Similarly, the Ukraine war — which Trump vowed to end within a day of taking office — has come to represent an unfulfilled promise.

Talks between Ukraine and Russia mediated by the United States will resume this week in the United Arab Emirates. And planning is underway for a trilateral meeting between Trump, Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping when the men convene in Shenzhen, China, later this month.

For more than a decade, Trump has steered the Republican Party with an iron grip, banishing dissent and shunning those who were disloyal. That era, even his allies admit, is nearing an end.

Reasserting his relevance amid this week’s results will be a challenge, some Republicans said. Where Trump was once viewed as the party leader few could challenge, his political capital has waned and many will now view him as an early lame duck.

Trump views it differently — and isn’t prepared to let go of his influential role as the party jockeys ahead of the 2028 primaries.

Unlike during the first year of his second term, when he would swiftly shut down any talk of his future successor, the president has been more readily willing to discuss his thoughts on 2028, his advisers said. One source close to Trump said the president is aware the second he anoints a successor, his lame-duck status will be cemented. Advisers said specific conversations around this topic would likely begin in in earnest in January.

“I don’t want to talk about individuals because it’s still a little bit too soon to do that,” Trump said Tuesday night. “We still have a long way to go, but I guess it’s going to be time now.”

During his 2024 presidential campaign, Trump approached the selection of his running mate with that key question in mind: Who might be best to eventually replace him and carry on the MAGA torch? That argument was central in his decision to go with JD Vance .

But as he’s polled those around him over who should be the future GOP presidential nominee, Vance is not alone on the list. Secretary of State Marco Rubio often comes up as well.

Trump has told allies that he wants to see how the primary campaign plays out — especially in the beginning, sources familiar with the talks said. Trump advisers who support Rubio are hoping the president will make a decision sooner rather than later, noting while Rubio has name recognition they believe he will need a longer runway than Vance to get to know the American public.

As he was crisscrossing the country last month, Trump made little mention of what role he would play once he has left the White House. But he made clear he wasn’t planning to relinquish his authority.

“You know, we only have a little more than two years left. Can you believe it?” he told an adoring crowd in Sioux City, Iowa, who booed in disappointment.

But,” he went on, “I’m going to have a lot of power when I leave.”

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周二晚，唐纳德·特朗普总统惨遭选民否决，他虽然身负重伤，但决心牢牢掌控权力，即将进入其政治生涯的最后阶段。

许多盟友承认，特朗普总统任期的最后几年将会令人沮丧，因为民主党人将启动承诺的调查，这些调查可能会牵连到总统及其核心盟友。在这些斗争之中，共和党人最终会着手确定特朗普的继任者，速度或许会比总统此前预期的要快。

特朗普并未排除与新近掌权的民主党人达成协议的可能性，一些顾问表示，总统善于建立看似不太可能的合作关系，这或许会在其任期即将结束之际对他大有裨益。民主党人不再是反对党，他们将面临展现执政能力的压力，这可能会促使他们与特朗普达成协议。

但他最近在思考如何应对民主党掌控立法机构的情况时，也自诩为“否决先生”。而且，他在第一任总统任期内的记录也难以让人对跨党派合作抱有信心。一位参与内部讨论的消息人士表示，虽然特朗普在选举后的短期内可能会表现出和解姿态，但他未来几年的行为将取决于民主党如何运用他们的权力。

“如果国会愿意达成协议，他就会成为促成交易的人，”消息人士说。“如果国会一上任就只关注调查——那么你就会得到一个截然不同的特朗普。”

周二的选举结果在总统及其顾问的预料之中，他们一直在为此做准备。与此同时，特朗普展开了为期一个月的密集竞选活动，走访各州，力图保住共和党在国会的多数席位，同时也展现他作为共和党领袖的独特地位。正如特朗普自己所承认的，高强度的竞选活动让他精疲力竭，渴望休息。

然而，这却是特朗普最不愿看到的局面。官员和顾问们表示，在他首次执政十年后，被贴上“跛脚鸭”标签的前景正促使他考虑如何以新的方式巩固自己的影响力，即便他所在的政党内部许多人也开始设想一个没有他作为领导人的未来。

短期来看，这可能意味着对伊朗战争迅速重启，特朗普曾强烈暗示，一旦中期选举结束，他准备恢复这场战争。过去几天，美伊谈判代表一直在努力达成新的协议，但至今仍未取得进展。

总统团队几个月来一直在探索如何运用广泛的行政权力来推进其议程中那些似乎不太可能在国会获得批准的领域，包括移民和联邦支出。总统身边人士表示，他已准备好突破行政权力的界限，强行实现其目标。

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不再受选民担忧他把太多时间花在外交政策和他的个人项目上的顾虑所束缚，据知情人士透露，特朗普预计将全力投入这两方面，在未来几周内出席三场重要的国际峰会，并将更多时间投入到他在华盛顿推进的各项建设项目中。大选次日，特朗普临时召集了一场活动，展示白宫宴会厅的建设成果。

在民主党赢得参众两院选举结果后的几个小时里，总统似乎并不打算为共和党的失败承担责任。他经常援引历史先例，指出现任总统所在的政党在中期选举中往往会失利。特朗普还抱怨某些候选人的亲和力不足以及筹款能力有限——尽管其中许多候选人都是他亲自挑选的。

他私下里抱怨共和党人质疑他将中期选举变成他个人竞选的策略，反而将过去的失败归咎于候选人的失误或所谓的舞弊行为。在过去的政治挫折之后，他很少纠正自己的做法。

然而，人事变动的可能性并未排除，据几位特朗普的助手透露，许多政府官员已经开始将目光投向白宫之外，筹划职业发展。他的高级政治顾问私下里将共和党的失利归咎于伊朗战争，许多人认为特朗普可能正在寻找替罪羊。

民主党人已明确表示，他们打算利用国会多数席位，发出传票并举行听证会，重点调查总统及其盟友的行为。特朗普在竞选期间警告说，他可能再次遭到弹劾。民调显示，选民对腐败的担忧在选举前急剧上升。

“赶紧找律师吧。”即将上任的民主党众议院监督委员会主席罗伯特·加西亚在民主党赢得众议院控制权及其传唤权后，发表了这番简短的声明。

政府律师几个月来一直在预料可能会有调查。然而，据特朗普的顾问告诉CNN，直到9月份，白宫西翼一些人预期的、旨在让总统及其高级顾问为应对民主党可能展开的调查做好充分准备的工作，并没有真正落实，尽管一些官员已经亲自聘请了律师。

一位顾问表示，白宫幕僚长苏西·威尔斯尤其经常会阻止有关可能对政府高层人员展开的监督调查的讨论，因为她认为这可能会分散人们对竞选活动的注意力。

“她总是说，‘我们会赢，我们会把所有的精力都投入到胜利中，’”这位顾问在谈到威尔斯在中期选举前几个月的态度时说道。

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其他白宫官员则辩称，威尔斯私下告诉白宫法律顾问办公室要为民主党人可能采取的行动做好准备，尽管她还告诉工作人员要“紧盯目标”——正如其中一位工作人员所描述的那样。

“悄悄地为这种情况做准备并不意味着要实施这种情况，”一位官员说。

最近几个月，法律顾问办公室还聘请了 15 名律师，专门负责保护政府免受未来的监督调查。

一位白宫官员表示：“如果疯狂的民主党人想要滥用权力，将调查和传唤程序政治化，并试图摧毁人们的生活，那么应该提醒他们，我们仍然控制着联邦政府及其所有权力。”

尽管如此，一些官员还是聘请了自己的律师，或者考虑购买法律保险，以应对一旦卷入调查可能产生的巨额费用。在第一届政府的许多工作人员因1月6日的调查而蒙受巨额开支后，其他一些初级工作人员私下里也在考虑是否应该继续留任，他们指出，预计民主党人会进行大范围的调查。

特朗普和白宫法律顾问威尔·沙夫等人也曾讨论过提前赦免工作人员是否明智。他们尚未决定是否推进此事，但特朗普并未排除这种可能性。

白宫西翼的许多人认为，总统本人对民主党的调查抱有​​最坏的预期——因为他在第一任期内已经经历了两次弹劾审判。

一位消息人士告诉 CNN：“他以前已经经历过一次这种情况了，所以他当然会往最坏的方面想。”

据知情人士透露，在他与最信任的盟友的私下谈话中，他曾多次承认，民主党控制的国会对他最后两年的任期可能意味着什么。

一位白宫官员表示：“他还记得自己的家人和助手被拖入泥潭的滋味，更不用说面临两次弹劾了。”

白宫官员们清楚地认识到，两党分治意味着特朗普想要通过的任何全面立法几乎都不可能实现。但他们也很快提醒总统，他第二个任期内的各项议程大多是通过行政命令实施的，并未依赖国会。

顾问们表示，随着民主党控制众议院和参议院并拥有足够多数席位，这种趋势只会加剧。

总统广泛行使行政权力主要由副幕僚长斯蒂芬·米勒和预算主管拉塞尔·沃特负责。两人在策划特朗普任期初期一些最具争议的举措中发挥了重要作用，例如严厉打击移民和大幅削减联邦政府项目。

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现在，政府律师正在研究移民、联邦支出和关税方面的措施，这些措施可能有助于推进总统议程中那些国会不太可能采取行动的领域。可能的措施包括收紧签证规定、对进口商品征收新关税以及放宽某些监管规定。

民主党在参议院的微弱多数可能不会对特朗普的立法策略产生重大影响。阻挠议事规则要求大多数重要立法必须获得60票才能通过。然而，总统提名人选，包括联邦法官的提名，是一个值得注意的例外——如果未来两年内最高法院出现空缺，民主党可以阻止任何潜在的提名人选，多位共和党官员对此表示担忧。

一些特朗普的顾问认为，民主党人为了展现其执政能力，至少在2028年总统选举周期开始前的这段短暂时间内，会寻求妥协的领域。

“我是一个喜欢把事情做好的人，有些事情我们可以一起努力，”特朗普周二晚间告诉福克斯新闻，他只将移民问题列为潜在的妥协领域，但没有进一步阐述。

特朗普曾承诺，他将否决任何民主党人提出的、与其承诺相抵触的法案。周二，他还发布了一张红色帽子的图片，上面用白色大字写着“否决”（VETO）字样。推翻总统否决需要众议院和参议院三分之二的多数票。

“我想我会成为否决先生，”特朗普在选举日前接受《纽约邮报》播客采访时说。“然后，在某个时候，我们可能会达成协议。”

过去两年，特朗普将大部分精力集中在海外战争上，但在中期选举期间，他试图将伊朗和乌克兰冲突搁置一边。如今，彻底结束这两场冲突的努力即将重新启动。

许多总统在任期末期会转向外交政策，因为在这个领域，他们的单边权力更大，而国会对其行动的限制能力有限。而且，外交政策有可能为总统的政治遗产增光添彩。

对于公开渴望获得诺贝尔和平奖的特朗普来说，这场战争也令他感到沮丧。伊朗战争持续时间超出预期，特朗普私下抱怨说，这场战争严重损害了共和党在中期选举中的胜算。

一些特朗普的盟友认为，既然竞选已经结束，他会找到替罪羊。国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯一直是战争的支持者，一些盟友认为他可能成为替罪羊。民主党人甚至一些共和党人已经暗示，赫格塞斯很可能成为弹劾程序以及其他调查的主要目标。与此同时，一向喜欢征求意见的特朗普也询问了盟友们对赫格塞斯近期表现的看法。

凯文·拉马克/路透社

一位特朗普顾问告诉CNN：“归根结底，特朗普觉得自己（在伊朗战争问题上）受到了误导——他的确被误导了。应该有人为此付出代价。”

特朗普周二告诉福克斯新闻，他没有考虑改组内阁。另一位特朗普身边人士也表示，总统已明确表示，他认为赫格塞斯应该反击潜在的弹劾程序。特朗普一直力挺赫格塞斯，并驳斥民主党试图罢免他的努力，称他是一位“伟大的战士”。

2006 年，时任总统乔治·W·布什迅速宣布国防部长唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德离职。此前，共和党在当年的中期选举中惨败，部分原因是不得人心的伊拉克战争。

目前尚不清楚特朗普是否会在伊朗冲突最终结束前对其团队进行改组。数周以来，高级顾问们一直在讨论对伊朗发动新一轮打击的计划，希望能够彻底结束这场持续八个月的冲突。并非总统团队中的所有人都认为立即采取行动会取得成效，一些人则力主争取更多时间，尝试达成协议。

无论如何，伊朗战争已经成为这位曾承诺不让国家卷入外国冲突的总统的沉重负担。同样，特朗普上任后誓言在一天之内结束的乌克兰战争，也已成为一项未能兑现的承诺。

由美国斡旋的乌克兰与俄罗斯之间的会谈将于本周在阿联酋恢复。此外，特朗普、俄罗斯总统普京和中国国家主席习近平将于本月晚些时候在中国深圳举行三方会晤，相关筹备工作也在进行中。

十多年来，特朗普一直以铁腕手段掌控着共和党，排挤异己，排斥不忠之人。就连他的盟友也承认，那个时代即将结束。

一些共和党人表示，在本周的选举结果公布后，特朗普要想重新确立自己的影响力将是一项挑战。他曾一度被视为党内领袖，几乎无人能撼动他的地位，但如今他的政治资本已经衰退，许多人认为他已是即将卸任的跛脚鸭总统。

特朗普对此有不同的看法——他并不准备放弃自己在2028年党内初选前作为党内政治掮客的影响力。

与他第二个任期第一年迅速平息任何关于继任者的讨论不同，总统的顾问们表示，他现在更愿意谈论2028年大选的想法。一位接近特朗普的消息人士称，总统很清楚，一旦他指定继任者，他的“跛脚鸭”地位就将彻底确立。顾问们表示，围绕这一话题的具体讨论可能会在明年1月正式展开。

“我不想谈论具体的人，因为现在谈论这些还为时过早，”特朗普周二晚间表示。“我们还有很长的路要走，但我想现在是时候了。”

在2024年总统竞选期间，特朗普在选择竞选搭档时，心中始终萦绕着一个关键问题：谁最适合最终接替他，继续高举“让美国再次伟大”（MAGA）的旗帜？正是这一考量，促使他最终选择了JD Vance。

但当他向身边的人征询谁应该成为共和党未来总统候选人的意见时，范斯并非唯一上榜的人选。国务卿马可·卢比奥也经常被提及。

据知情人士透露，特朗普已告知盟友，他希望观察初选的进展，尤其是在初期阶段。支持卢比奥的特朗普顾问们希望总统尽快做出决定，他们指出，虽然卢比奥知名度较高，但他们认为卢比奥需要比万斯更长的时间来了解美国民众。

上个月，特朗普在全国各地奔走期间，很少提及离开白宫后他将扮演什么角色。但他明确表示，他并不打算放弃自己的权力。

“你们知道吗，我们只剩下两年多了。你们能相信吗？”他在爱荷华州苏城对一群崇拜他的人群说道，人群中响起了失望的嘘声。

但他接着说：“我离开的时候将会拥有很大的权力。”