United Nations process begins with hearing in Singapore. Thai Foreign Minister took a bold, hard line

September 15, 2026 at 10:47 pm

by James Morris and Son Nguyen

in Living , Media , Politics , Thailand

Thailand and Cambodia are going head-to-head in Singapore over 26,000 square kilometres of disputed Gulf waters potentially holding a $300 billion energy prize. With tensions already high, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow drew a hard line: Koh Kut is not part of the dispute. Bangkok rejected Cambodia’s 1972 claim as legally baseless and accused Phnom Penh of hypocrisy and false narratives. Cambodia wants a maritime boundary, but also joint development if talks fail. Nearly 25 years after MOU 44 failed, both countries now face an international commission over waters estimated to hold vast gas and oil reserves.

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sihasak Phuangketkeow draws a hard line in Singapore, rejecting Cambodia’s 1972 claim and ruling Koh Kut out of the dispute. ( Source: The Nation )

Thailand and Cambodia are now duking it out internationally over an energy-rich section of the Gulf of Thailand. Tensions between the neighbours are rising as a decades-old maritime dispute moves onto an international stage.

The competing claims cover about 26,000 square kilometres of sea. Beneath those waters could lie nearly 12 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. In addition, substantial oil reserves could be buried beneath the seabed. Estimates have valued the potential energy prize at approximately $300 billion.

Thailand, however, arrived in Singapore with one line firmly drawn. Koh Kut is not up for negotiation. Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow delivered that message before a five-member international Conciliation Commission. The panel is examining the competing maritime claims under United Nations law.

Koh Kut ruled out as Thailand rejects Cambodia’s 1972 claim and limits talks to maritime boundaries

“This conciliation process does not concern sovereignty over land, which includes the island of Koh Kut,” Mr Sihasak said. “Thailand rejects Cambodia’s 1972 continental shelf claim line, which is without legal basis.” His statement placed Koh Kut firmly outside the process initiated by Phnom Penh.

Koh Kut is an island district of Trat province in the eastern Gulf of Thailand. It lies close to Cambodia and the overlapping maritime claims. Cambodia unilaterally declared its continental shelf claim in 1972. Thailand followed with its own claim in 1973. As a result, the competing lines created the maritime dispute now before the commission.

Notably, Mr Sihasak has repeatedly insisted that Koh Kut belongs to Thailand. Before the Singapore meeting, he said maritime demarcation would clearly confirm Thai sovereignty over the island. Bangkok wants the proceedings restricted to maritime boundary delimitation. It rejects any attempt to turn conciliation into a sovereignty dispute over Koh Kut.

The first meeting runs from September 14 to 16 in Singapore. It is taking place at the Singapore office of the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The commission was established under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, or UNCLOS. Yet Tuesday’s opening exchanges quickly moved beyond technical arguments over maritime charts.

Mr Sihasak accused Cambodia of advancing claims that were “self-serving and contain elements of hypocrisy”. Separately, he accused Phnom Penh of repeatedly vilifying Thailand through false narratives. He said Cambodia had done so instead of pursuing bilateral dialogue.

Sihasak attacks Cambodia’s narrative as wider border tensions spill into Singapore maritime talks

“Cambodia has repeatedly vilified Thailand through false narratives,” Mr Sihasak told the commission. He then sharpened the attack. “And it does this by playing the role of a victim with a sense of self-righteousness aimed at claiming the moral high ground.”

The Foreign Minister also brought wider bilateral tensions directly into the hearing. He referred to a leaked private telephone conversation between the countries’ leaders. Furthermore, he cited Cambodian rockets which killed Thai civilians. He raised incidents involving Thai soldiers who lost their legs to landmines. Thailand says those mines were planted by Cambodia.

“We should recall the events that precipitated the conflict,” Mr Sihasak told the commission. He cited the leaked conversation, Cambodian rockets and the landmine incidents. “Where was respect for international law?” he asked. Thus, Thailand used its opening address to challenge Cambodia’s wider presentation of recent events.

Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn offered a sharply different account. He described the process initiated by Phnom Penh as “a peaceful pathway” under international law. Both foreign ministers were allocated 15 minutes for their opening statements. Those addresses immediately exposed major differences over the purpose of the proceedings.

Cambodia seeks boundary treaty or joint development while Thailand insists talks stay on delimitation

Cambodia wants the process ultimately to produce a treaty establishing a single maritime boundary. If that fails, Phnom Penh has offered another route. Cambodia is prepared to negotiate joint development and an “equitable sharing” of resources. Alternatively, it wants commission recommendations which could underpin a later agreement.

Thailand is taking a considerably narrower position. Mr Sihasak said the proceedings should concern only maritime boundary delimitation between the two countries. Accordingly, Bangkok rejects bringing resource-sharing into the compulsory conciliation. Thailand wants the boundary question addressed first. Oil, gas and possible joint development would remain separate matters.

The disagreement therefore extends beyond where a line should cross the Gulf. The neighbours also dispute what the international process itself should accomplish. Cambodia wants joint development available if delimitation fails. Thailand insists the commission should focus solely on the maritime boundary.

In parallel, Bangkok and Phnom Penh are fighting over how the case reached Singapore. Cambodia says Thailand’s cancellation of their 2001 maritime memorandum forced it to seek another peaceful mechanism. Mr Sihasak strongly rejected that account. He called Cambodia’s version an “outright distortion of the facts”.

Thailand says Cambodia bypassed six months of direct talks before invoking compulsory UNCLOS process

Thailand says it offered Phnom Penh another route before Cambodia invoked UNCLOS. Mr Sihasak said Bangkok proposed six months of direct maritime boundary negotiations. If those failed, both countries could proceed jointly towards conciliation. Instead, Cambodia initiated the compulsory UNCLOS procedure.

That decision followed Thailand’s cancellation of the 2001 maritime memorandum. The agreement is widely known in Thailand as MOU 44. The number refers to Buddhist year 2544, corresponding to 2001. Thailand and Cambodia signed the memorandum in Phnom Penh on June 18 that year.

Crucially, MOU 44 covered both maritime delimitation and possible exploitation of offshore energy resources. The two countries intended to pursue separate objectives at the same time. First, they sought a mutually acceptable maritime boundary. That included territorial waters, continental shelf and exclusive economic zones.

At the same time, both sides planned negotiations towards joint development of hydrocarbons in part of the disputed area. The framework therefore attempted to address both the boundary and resources beneath the Gulf. It never produced a final settlement. Nor did it deliver the planned joint development arrangement.

MOU 44 sought a maritime boundary and joint energy development but delivered neither after decades

Instead, the dispute remained unresolved for almost 25 years. Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and the Bhumjaithai Party later pledged to cancel MOU 44 during the election campaign. After taking office, the government followed through. The National Security Council resolved in April to terminate the memorandum. Thailand formally cancelled it in May.

Bangkok said the framework had failed to produce meaningful progress. It wanted a fresh negotiating structure. Mr Sihasak told the commission that only two rounds of official talks occurred during MOU 44’s existence. Earlier Thai government information had referred to five rounds. Either way, no final maritime boundary emerged.

Nor did Thailand and Cambodia begin jointly exploiting the potentially enormous hydrocarbon deposits. For almost a quarter-century, the resources remained locked beneath disputed waters. The failure left both delimitation and development unresolved when Bangkok finally abandoned MOU 44.

By then, Cambodia had made another significant move. Phnom Penh ratified UNCLOS in February 2026. It became the final ASEAN country to join the convention. Four months later, Cambodia activated the compulsory conciliation mechanism against Thailand.

On June 2, Phnom Penh notified Thailand and the United Nations Secretary-General of its decision. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet said the move would protect Cambodia’s sovereignty and maritime rights through international law. Thailand formally responded on June 19.

Anutin government scraps MOU 44 as Cambodia turns to UNCLOS compulsory conciliation after 25 years

In response, Bangkok agreed to participate in the process. However, it expressly limited its understanding of the proceedings to maritime boundary delimitation. That restriction now lies at the centre of Thailand’s position before the Singapore commission.

The legal process also differs fundamentally from binding international arbitration. The commission cannot simply draw a maritime boundary and order both countries to accept it. Both countries excluded maritime delimitation from UNCLOS’s normal compulsory binding adjudication procedures.

Even so, the convention permits compulsory conciliation in certain circumstances. Cambodia can therefore require Thailand to participate. The commission can examine the competing claims and hear both governments. It can also help the parties seek an agreed settlement.

Eventually, the five conciliators can issue conclusions and recommendations. Those recommendations, however, are not binding. Bangkok and Phnom Penh must still negotiate any final agreement themselves. Thailand’s Foreign Ministry expects the process to take approximately 12 months.

As part of this, both governments selected international figures to sit on the five-member commission. Cambodia appointed Danish diplomat Peter Taksøe-Jensen and French international law scholar Jean-Marc Thouvenin. Thailand selected South African jurist Albert Hoffmann and German international law expert Rüdiger Wolfrum.

Thailand joins compulsory conciliation but stresses that the outcome cannot impose a final boundary

The four members then selected Australian diplomat and international lawyer Katrina Cooper as chairwoman. Ms Cooper brings direct experience of an earlier UNCLOS compulsory conciliation. She served as Australia’s co-agent during its maritime dispute with Timor-Leste.

That process began in 2016 following a long-running dispute between Australia and Timor-Leste. Ultimately, the two countries signed a maritime boundary treaty in 2018. The Thailand-Cambodia proceedings are therefore another rare test of the UNCLOS conciliation mechanism.

The economic stakes, meanwhile, are huge. Estimates for the contested area point to nearly 12 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Significant quantities of oil may also lie beneath the seabed. The potential resources have been valued at around $300 billion.

Consequently, the dispute concerns more than competing lines across 26,000 square kilometres of water. A settlement could unlock access to huge offshore energy reserves. It could also determine how those resources are divided or developed.

For decades, two broad solutions have been available. One would establish an agreed maritime boundary. The other would postpone final delimitation and jointly develop the hydrocarbons. Under joint development, both countries could exploit resources while sharing the economic returns.

Katrina Cooper brings Timor-Leste experience as commission tackles Gulf claims and huge energy stakes

MOU 44 attempted to advance both approaches. Yet the framework produced neither an agreed boundary nor a joint development regime. Now Cambodia wants both possibilities available during the new process. Thailand is pushing back against that broader approach.

On another front, Phnom Penh says it wants a maritime boundary treaty as its primary objective. However, it is prepared to pursue joint development if delimitation proves impossible. Cambodia has also proposed an equitable sharing of resources.

Bangkok’s position is different. Thailand wants the compulsory conciliation confined to delimitation. Therefore, any later discussion about hydrocarbons or joint development would remain outside this process. That difference could become a central issue during the coming year.

Koh Kut adds another sensitive element. Cambodia’s 1972 continental shelf claim line included the area around the Thai island. Thailand rejects that line and says it lacks a legal basis. More importantly, Bangkok says sovereignty over Koh Kut itself is not disputed.

Mr Sihasak has now put that position directly before the commission. He also made clear that the Singapore proceedings cannot determine sovereignty over the island. For Thailand, maritime delimitation and ownership of Koh Kut are distinctly separate questions.

Thailand and Cambodia split again over joint process as Koh Kut remains outside conciliation talks

At the same time, the talks are unfolding amid strained relations between Bangkok and Phnom Penh. Those tensions were evident throughout Mr Sihasak’s opening statement. He did not restrict his remarks to technical maritime issues. Instead, he directly challenged Cambodia’s account of recent events.

The Thai minister accused Cambodia of hypocrisy and distortion. He also accused Phnom Penh of presenting itself as a victim while maligning Thailand. Cambodia, by contrast, portrayed its UNCLOS initiative as a peaceful application of international law.

Against that backdrop, the two neighbours arrived in Singapore with competing versions of both the past and future. Thailand says bilateral negotiations should have been tried first. Cambodia chose compulsory conciliation after Bangkok terminated MOU 44.

They also remain divided over what happens if delimitation fails. Cambodia wants joint development and equitable resource-sharing available as alternatives. Thailand wants the process limited to establishing a route towards a maritime boundary.

For now, the commission’s powers remain restricted. It can examine both positions, seek common ground and recommend a settlement. It cannot force either government to accept a final boundary. Ultimately, Bangkok and Phnom Penh must agree on any settlement.

Strained Thai-Cambodian relations deepen divisions over boundaries, resources and the route to settlement

The proceedings could continue for about one year. During that period, the commission will examine competing claims first advanced in 1972 and 1973. It will also confront governments entering the process amid rising bilateral tensions.

At stake are approximately 26,000 square kilometres of contested Gulf waters. Below them may lie natural gas and oil worth hundreds of billions of dollars. Yet the neighbours cannot even agree whether those resources belong inside the current process.

Nearly 25 years of negotiations under MOU 44 failed to settle that argument. Thailand has now discarded the old framework. Cambodia has responded by moving the dispute into an international conciliation process.

Tuesday’s opening exchanges showed that neither side entered Singapore quietly. Cambodia described conciliation as “a peaceful pathway”. Thailand responded with accusations of hypocrisy, false narratives and an “outright distortion of the facts”.

Year-long process opens over $300 billion energy prize as both sides remain divided on its proper scope

The dispute has therefore entered a new and potentially lengthy phase. It combines competing maritime claims, huge potential energy reserves and worsening relations between neighbouring states.

For Bangkok, however, one position was fixed before the first substantive exchanges began. Thailand rejects Cambodia’s 1972 continental shelf claim line. It also wants resource-sharing kept outside the compulsory conciliation.

Above all, Mr Sihasak told the commission that Koh Kut is not part of the case. “This conciliation process does not concern sovereignty over land, which includes the island of Koh Kut,” he said.

Thailand says the island is Thai territory. Its sovereignty is not before the commission.

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James Morris is a pename for an international writer based in Bangkok who works on various international news media. He is a sub editor with the Thai Examiner news website since it began in 2015. Son Nguyen is an international writer and news commentator specialising in Thai news and current affairs. He commenced working with the Thai Examiner News Desk in May 2018.

All posts by James Morris and Son Nguyen

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2026年9月15日晚上10:47

作者：詹姆斯·莫里斯和孙阮

在生活、媒体、政治、泰国

泰国和柬埔寨在新加坡就2.6万平方公里的争议海湾海域展开激烈交锋，这片海域蕴藏着价值3000亿美元的能源宝藏。由于局势已然紧张，泰国副总理兼外交部长西哈萨克·普昂克乔（Sihasak Phuangketkeow）明确表示：阁骨岛（Koh Kut）不属于此次争端范围。曼谷方面驳斥了柬埔寨1972年的主张，称其缺乏法律依据，并指责金边虚伪做作、捏造事实。柬埔寨希望划定海上边界，但如果谈判失败，也希望双方能够共同开发。在《谅解备忘录44号》（MOU 44）失效近25年后，两国如今面临着一个国际委员会的裁决，该委员会将就这片据估计蕴藏着丰富天然气和石油储量的海域展开调查。

新加坡副总理兼外交部长西哈萨·普昂克乔在新加坡问题上采取强硬立场，驳斥柬埔寨1972年的主权声索，并将阁骨岛排除在争端之外。（来源：《民族报》）

泰国和柬埔寨如今正就泰国湾一段能源丰富的海域展开国际争夺。随着这场持续十年的海上争端升级为国际争端，两国之间的紧张关系也在加剧。

各方争夺的海域面积约2.6万平方公里。这片海域之下可能蕴藏着近12万亿立方英尺的天然气。此外，海底可能还埋藏着大量的石油储量。据估计，这片海域蕴藏的潜在能源价值约为3000亿美元。

然而，泰国抵达新加坡时已明确表明立场：阁骨岛不容谈判。副总理兼外交部长西哈萨克·普昂克乔在由五名成员组成的国际调解委员会面前传达了这一信息。该委员会正在根据联合国法审查双方在海洋事务上的争议。

由于泰国拒绝柬埔寨1972年的主权声索，并将谈判范围限制在海上边界，阁骨岛被排除在外。

“此次调解进程不涉及包括阁骨岛在内的土地主权问题，”西哈萨克先生表示。“泰国拒绝接受柬埔寨1972年提出的大陆架主张，该主张缺乏法律依据。”他的声明明确将阁骨岛排除在金边发起的调解进程之外。

阁骨岛是泰国东部泰国湾达叻府的一个岛屿县。它靠近柬埔寨，两国存在重叠的海洋权益主张。柬埔寨于1972年单方面宣布了其大陆架主张。泰国随后于1973年提出了自己的主张。由此，双方的主张引发了目前提交给委员会的海洋争端。

值得注意的是，西哈萨克先生一再坚称阁骨岛属于泰国。在新加坡会议之前，他曾表示，海上划界将明确确认泰国对该岛的主权。曼谷方面则希望将谈判程序限制在海上边界划定范围内，并拒绝任何将调解演变为阁骨岛主权争端的企图。

首次会议于9月14日至16日在新加坡举行，地点设在常设仲裁法院新加坡办事处。该委员会是根据《联合国海洋法公约》（简称《公约》）设立的。然而，周二的开幕式很快就超越了对海图的技术性争论。

西哈萨克先生指责柬埔寨提出的主张“出于自身利益，且带有虚伪成分”。此外，他还指责金边方面屡次散布虚假信息诋毁泰国。他表示，柬埔寨没有选择进行双边对话，而是采取了这种做法。

随着边境紧张局势蔓延至新加坡海事谈判，西哈萨克抨击柬埔寨的说法。

“柬埔寨一再通过虚假叙事诋毁泰国，”西哈萨克先生告诉委员会。随后，他加大了抨击力度。“柬埔寨扮演受害者的角色，并表现出一种自以为是的正义感，试图占据道德制高点。”

外交部长还在听证会上直接提及了更广泛的双边紧张关系。他提到了两国领导人之间泄露的私人电话录音。此外，他还提到了柬埔寨火箭弹造成泰国平民伤亡的事件。他提及了泰国士兵因地雷失去双腿的事件。泰国方面称这些地雷是柬埔寨埋设的。

“我们应该回顾一下引发冲突的事件，”西哈萨克先生对委员会说。他列举了泄露的对话、柬埔寨的火箭弹袭击和地雷事件。“国际法何在？”他质问道。因此，泰国在开幕致辞中对柬埔寨对近期事件的总体描述提出了质疑。

柬埔寨副首相兼外交部长布拉索昆的说法截然不同。他将金边启动的进程描述为符合国际法的“和平途径”。两位外长分别有15分钟的开场白时间。他们的发言立即暴露出双方在会议目的上的重大分歧。

柬埔寨寻求签订边界条约或进行联合开发，而泰国则坚持谈判应停留在划界问题上。

柬埔寨希望这一进程最终能达成一项确立统一海上边界的条约。如果未能实现，金边方面提出了另一条途径。柬埔寨准备就联合开发和“公平分享”资源进行谈判。或者，它希望委员会提出建议，作为日后达成协议的基础。

泰国采取了更为狭窄的立场。西哈萨克先生表示，调解程序应仅限于两国之间的海上边界划定问题。因此，曼谷方面拒绝将资源共享问题纳入强制调解程序。泰国希望首先解决边界问题。石油、天然气以及可能的联合开发仍将作为其他事项处理。

因此，分歧不仅限于划定海湾边界线的位置。邻国之间也存在分歧，认为国际进程本身应该达成什么目标。柬埔寨希望在划界失败的情况下能够开展联合开发。泰国则坚持认为，委员会应该只关注海上边界。

与此同时，曼谷和金边就此案如何移交新加坡一事争论不休。柬埔寨方面称，泰国取消了双方2001年的海上谅解备忘录，迫使其寻求其他和平解决机制。西哈萨克先生强烈驳斥了这一说法，称柬埔寨的说法“完全歪曲事实”。

泰国方面称，柬埔寨在启动《联合国海洋法公约》强制程序之前，绕过了长达六个月的直接谈判。

泰国表示，在柬埔寨援引《联合国海洋法公约》之前，泰国曾向金边提供过另一条途径。西哈萨克先生说，曼谷提议进行为期六个月的直接海上边界谈判。如果谈判失败，两国可以共同寻求和解。然而，柬埔寨却启动了强制性的《联合国海洋法公约》程序。

此前，泰国取消了2001年签署的海上谅解备忘录。该协议在泰国广为人知，被称为第44号谅解备忘录（MOU 44）。该数字指的是佛历2001年，即公元2001年。泰国和柬埔寨于当年6月18日在金边签署了该备忘录。

至关重要的是，第44号谅解备忘录涵盖了海洋划界和近海能源资源的潜在开发利用。两国意图同时追求不同的目标。首先，他们寻求双方都能接受的海洋边界，其中包括领海、大陆架和专属经济区。

与此同时，双方计划就部分争议区域的油气资源联合开发进行谈判。因此，该框架试图同时解决海湾的边界问题和资源问题。但它最终未能达成最终协议，也未能实现预期的联合开发安排。

第44号谅解备忘录旨在划定海上边界和开展联合能源开发，但几十年来均未实现。

然而，这场争端却持续了近25年之久，始终未能解决。阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔总理和泰自豪党在竞选期间承诺取消第44号谅解备忘录。政府上任后，兑现了承诺。国家安全委员会于4月决议终止该备忘录。泰国于5月正式取消了该备忘录。

曼谷方面表示，该框架未能取得实质性进展，并希望建立新的谈判机制。西哈萨克先生告诉委员会，在第44号谅解备忘录生效期间，仅举行了两轮正式会谈。此前泰国政府公布的信息称举行了五轮会谈。无论如何，最终的海上边界问题仍未达成一致。

泰国和柬埔寨也从未开始共同开发这些潜在的巨大油气资源。近四分之一世纪以来，这些资源一直被封存在争议水域之下。最终，曼谷放弃了第44号谅解备忘录，导致划界和开发问题都悬而未决。

到那时，柬埔寨又采取了一项重大举措。金边于2026年2月批准了《联合国海洋法公约》，成为最后一个加入该公约的东盟国家。四个月后，柬埔寨启动了针对泰国的强制调解机制。

6月2日，金边方面将此决定通知了泰国和联合国秘书长。柬埔寨首相洪玛奈表示，此举将通过国际法保护柬埔寨的主权和海洋权益。泰国于6月19日正式作出回应。

阿努廷政府废除第44号谅解备忘录，柬埔寨在25年后转向《联合国海洋法公约》强制调解。

作为回应，曼谷同意参与这一进程。然而，它明确表示，其对进程的理解仅限于海上边界划定。这一限制如今成为泰国在新加坡委员会面前立场的核心。

这一法律程序也与具有约束力的国际仲裁有着根本的不同。委员会不能简单地划定海上边界并命令两国接受。两国都将海上划界排除在《联合国海洋法公约》通常的强制性约束性裁决程序之外。

即便如此，该公约允许在特定情况下进行强制调解。因此，柬埔寨可以要求泰国参与调解。委员会可以审查双方的诉求，并听取双方政府的意见。委员会还可以帮助双方寻求达成一致的解决方案。

最终，五位调解员可以发布结论和建议。然而，这些建议不具有约束力。曼谷和金边仍需自行协商最终协议。泰国外交部预计这一过程大约需要12个月。

为此，两国政府都遴选了国际知名人士组成五人委员会。柬埔寨任命丹麦外交官彼得·塔克索-延森和法国国际法学者让-马克·图韦宁。泰国则选择了南非法学家阿尔伯特·霍夫曼和德国国际法专家吕迪格·沃尔弗鲁姆。

泰国加入强制调解，但强调调解结果不能划定最终界限。

四名成员随后推选澳大利亚外交官兼国际律师卡特里娜·库珀担任主席。库珀女士拥有此前《联合国海洋法公约》强制调解的直接经验。她曾担任澳大利亚与东帝汶海上争端中的共同代理人。

这一进程始于2016年，起因是澳大利亚和东帝汶之间旷日持久的争端。最终，两国于2018年签署了海洋边界条约。因此，泰国和柬埔寨之间的争端是对《联合国海洋法公约》调解机制的又一次罕见考验。

与此同时，经济利益也十分巨大。据估计，争议海域蕴藏着近12万亿立方英尺的天然气。海底也可能蕴藏着大量的石油。这些潜在资源的价值估计约为3000亿美元。

因此，这场争端不仅仅关乎横跨2.6万平方公里水域的输油管道之争。达成和解可能开启对巨大海上能源储备的开采，也可能决定这些资源的分配和开发方式。

几十年来，有两种主要的解决方案。一种是划定双方认可的海上边界。另一种是推迟最终划界，并共同开发油气资源。在共同开发模式下，两国既可以开采资源，又可以共享经济收益。

卡特里娜·库珀拥有东帝汶经验，该委员会将处理海湾地区的索赔和巨大的能源利益问题。

第44号谅解备忘录试图推进这两种方案。然而，该框架既没有达成一致的边界，也没有建立联合发展机制。现在，柬埔寨希望在新进程中同时保留这两种可能性。泰国则反对这种更广泛的方案。

另一方面，金边表示，其首要目标是达成海上边界条约。然而，如果划界无法实现，金边也准备寻求联合开发。柬埔寨还提出了资源公平共享的方案。

曼谷的立场则不同。泰国希望强制调解仅限于划界事宜。因此，任何后续关于油气资源或联合开发的讨论都将不在此程序之内。这一分歧可能成为未来一年的核心议题。

阁骨岛问题又增添了一个敏感因素。柬埔寨1972年划定的大陆架主张线包含了泰国这座岛屿周围的区域。泰国拒绝接受这条主张线，并称其缺乏法律依据。更重要的是，曼谷方面表示，阁骨岛本身的主权并无争议。

西哈萨克先生已直接向委员会阐述了这一立场。他还明确指出，新加坡的诉讼程序无法决定该岛的主权归属。对泰国而言，海洋划界和阁骨岛的所有权是截然不同的两个问题。

泰国和柬埔寨在联合进程问题上再次出现分歧，阁骨岛问题仍未纳入和解谈判。

与此同时，会谈是在曼谷和金边关系紧张的背景下进行的。西哈萨克先生的开场白就充分体现了这种紧张关系。他并没有将发言局限于技术性的海事问题，而是直接质疑了柬埔寨对近期事件的描述。

泰国部长指责柬埔寨虚伪和歪曲事实。他还指责金边把自己塑造成受害者，同时诋毁泰国。相比之下，柬埔寨则将其在《联合国海洋法公约》中的倡议描述为和平运用国际法。

在此背景下，这两个邻国带着各自对过去和未来的截然不同的解读来到新加坡。泰国认为应该首先尝试双边谈判。在曼谷终止第44号谅解备忘录后，柬埔寨选择了强制调解。

双方对于划界失败后的应对措施仍存在分歧。柬埔寨希望以联合开发和公平的资源共享作为替代方案。泰国则希望将划界进程限制在确定通往海上边界的路线上。

目前，委员会的权力仍然有限。它可以审查双方的立场，寻求共同点并提出解决方案建议。但它不能强迫任何一方政府接受最终边界。最终，曼谷和金边必须就任何解决方案达成一致。

泰柬关系本已紧张，双方在边界、资源和解决途径等问题上的分歧进一步加深。

审理过程可能持续约一年。在此期间，委员会将审查1972年和1973年首次提出的相互冲突的诉求。委员会还将面对在双边关系日益紧张的情况下加入这一进程的各国政府。

此次争端涉及约2.6万平方公里的海湾争议水域。其下方可能蕴藏着价值数千亿美元的天然气和石油。然而，邻国之间甚至无法就这些资源是否应纳入当前的争端解决程序达成一致。

近25年来，双方在第44号谅解备忘录框架下进行的谈判未能解决这一争端。泰国现已弃用旧框架。柬埔寨则将争端提交国际调解程序作为回应。

周二的开场白表明，双方都未以平静的方式进入新加坡。柬埔寨称和解是“一条和平途径”。泰国则回应指责柬埔寨虚伪、散布虚假信息并“公然歪曲事实”。

历时一年的谈判将开启价值超过3000亿美元的能源争夺战，但双方对其具体范围仍存在分歧。

因此，这场争端已进入一个新的、可能旷日持久的阶段。它涉及相互冲突的海洋权益主张、巨大的潜在能源储量以及邻国间日益恶化的关系。

然而，对曼谷而言，在首次实质性交流开始之前，其立场就已经确定。泰国拒绝接受柬埔寨1972年划定的大陆架线，并希望资源共享问题不受强制调解程序的约束。

首先，西哈萨克先生向委员会强调，阁骨岛不属于本案范围。“此次调解程序不涉及土地主权问题，包括阁骨岛在内，”他说道。

泰国方面称该岛是泰国领土，其主权问题不在委员会的审理范围之内。

部长和安全官员准备通过新建无人机作战中心来加强王国的防御能力。

在与柬埔寨的激烈边境冲突中，泰国军队正使用先进的反坦克火箭攻击泰国军队。

前能源部长支持对柬埔寨在泰国湾实施石油和武器封锁。

由于与泰柬战争相关的安全风险，旅客入境泰国受到“限制”。

阿努京总理表示战争将继续，并称特朗普总统的停火提议是“误会”。

特朗普与安努京总理通话20分钟后，局势一片混乱。美方声称双方已达成停火协议。

泰国国王批准阿努廷解散议会的请求后，泰国进入选举模式。

泰自豪党议员投票维持参议院对改革的否决权，宪政危机再度爆发。

阿努廷总理精心制定的政治计划因合艾峰会的灾难性后果而破灭，失败案例层出不穷。

詹姆斯·莫里斯（James Morris）是一位常驻曼谷的国际作家，笔名，他为多家国际新闻媒体撰稿。自2015年泰国新闻网站Thai Examiner成立以来，他一直是该网站的副编辑。孙阮（Son Nguyen）是一位国际作家和新闻评论员，专长于泰国新闻和时事。他于2018年5月加入Thai Examiner新闻编辑部。

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