Germany’s AfD is so extreme they are putting off other far-right parties

Philip Dulian/dpa/AP

The rise of Germany’s Alternative for Germany (AfD) is causing widespread alarm , including in unexpected quarters - other far-right European parties.

While the German party is winning record levels of support at home, some of its closest ideological allies elsewhere in Europe are keeping it at arm’s length.

That tension was again on display after Germany’s recent state elections. In the state of Saxony-Anhalt earlier this month, the AfD made historic gains when it won 43.8% of the vote, falling just three seats short of an outright majority. Elections in Mecklenburg- Vorpommern and Berlin last weekend also showed a exodus from mainstream parties to the fringes, notably the AfD.

Several of the bloc’s far-right party leaders have offered their congratulations, including Geert Wilder of the Netherlands’ Party for Freedom, Viktor Orbàn of Hungary’s Fidesz and Santiago Abascal of Spain’s Vox, who hailed the AfD’s advance as “a “great hope for Germany and Europe.”

But some of Europe’s biggest far-right parties - including in France, Italy and Britain - have been silent.

France’s National Rally (RN), once one of the AfD’s closest partners, said even before the Saxony-Anhalt vote that renewed cooperation with the AfD was “not planned.”

For party leader Marine Le Pen, there is a domestic calculation in play as well as an ideological one.

Under her leadership, the National Rally has embraced what it calls “detoxification”, shifting the party away from the overt xenophobia of its roots under her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, toward the political mainstream.

She has also worked to move the party’s brand away from the stain of two of its founders’ Nazi past. Its anti-immigration rhetoric is softer, its doors open to mixed-race citizens that her father’s generation might not have welcomed as the “right kind” of French. Since Hamas’ October 7 attacks against Israel, she’s made condemning antisemitism a powerful arm in her rebranding.

The RN, in its previous guise as the National Front, had long been a collaborator with the AfD in the European Parliament. But comments from a senior AfD figure talking down the criminal role of Hitler’s SS paramilitary group in World War II as well as the emergence of a secret plan by the German party to expel people of foreign origin en masse crossed the RN’s red lines. An alliance with the AfD wasn’t compatible with the RN’s new image. In May 2024, the French party broke ranks and ties with the German far right.

Thomas Samson/AFP/Getty Images

The split was evident following the AfD’s recent successes, with the RN’s top leadership notably silent. With the 2027 presidential election on the horizon – Marine Le Pen’s best chance yet to win the Elysée Palace – that’s likely a strategy to avoid any negative blowback.

“We have real problems on both style and substance. We do not consider them to be our allies in Germany,” RN lawmaker Franck Allisio told television channel LCI on September 6, the day of the Saxony-Anhalt vote.

In comparison to the RN, the AfD has made no effort to purge itself of its extremist factions despite now also appealing to a wide range of voters, said Grégoire Roos, director of the Europe, Russia and Eurasia programs at the Chatham House think tank. The AfD has rejected accusations of right-wing extremism, with the party’s co-leaders previously describing Germany’s domestic intelligence agency’s classification of it as “extremist” as an attempt to “distort democratic competition.”

“Unlike the National Rally that has worked extremely hard to wipe out any morally disturbing elements… the AfD hasn’t conducted such a clean-up,” Roos told CNN.

Figures within the AfD are also comfortable talking about the Nazi era as though not everything from that period of history should be “thrown in the garbage,” another aspect which makes the party unpalatable to most of its European peers, Roos said.

Sebastian Gollnow/dpa/AP

The more radical far-right French party of Éric Zemmour, Reconquest, however, welcomed the AfD’s win in Saxony-Anhalt. Leading Reconquest MEP Sarah Knafo called the results “historic” in an election night X post. “The European peoples have shown a great deal of patience. Today, they want to take their destiny back into their own hands. An entire continent is rising up,” she said.

In this vein, the AfD is not completely alone. It helped create the Europe of Sovereign Nations group in the European Parliament after its expulsion from Identity and Democracy. The smaller, more isolated group includes nationalist parties such as Reconquest, as well as Bulgaria’s Revival, Hungary’s Our Homeland Movement, Poland’s New Hope and Slovakia’s Republic Movement.

Remo Casilli/Reuters

The far-right Brothers of Italy has also not embraced the AfD, with party leader Giorgia Meloni, the Italian prime minister, instead pursuing a strategy of building influence within Europe’s political mainstream.

Her party sits in the European Conservatives and Reformists group, which is more integrated into the European Parliament’s institutional mainstream than the AfD’s Europe of Sovereign Nations grouping. The two parties have deep foreign policy disagreements, with Meloni’s party supporting NATO and Ukraine, while the AfD advocates against sending weapons to Ukraine and wants to lift sanctions on Russia. Meloni has called these differences “irreconcilable.”

Nigel Farage, who spearheads Britain’s hard-right Reform UK party, has described the AfD as a “mixed bag.”

Asked on a podcast with Axel Springer CEO Mathias Döpfner in April what his party’s main differences with the AfD are, Farage said, “I think the pro-Putin stuff, I find it hard to understand.” The AfD’s ties to some dictators were “very, very difficult,” he added.

The AfD’s foreign policy positions have made it an awkward partner for many.

The party contains competing currents over Germany’s relationship with Russia and the US, while its support for closer relations with Moscow separates it from other European right-wing parties. It has also adopted a strong anti-aid rhetoric regarding Ukraine, setting it apart from some, although not all, of Europe’s populist parties.

The party is “very much radical when it comes to Ukraine and Russia,” Roos believes. “Listening to the AfD, you would almost feel like Russia has not invaded Ukraine, that Russia is not committing crimes every single day in Ukraine or killing civilians.” Russia has repeatedly denied accusations of targeting civilians in Ukraine.

Additionally, parties such as France’s RN have made efforts to disassociate themselves from foreign powers such as Russia and China, while the AfD has not. Last year, the AfD’s links to Beijing were thrust into the spotlight when a former top party aide was convicted in Germany of spying for China.

The AfD has also courted support in Washington. President Donald Trump took to social media to congratulate the party on its landslide victory in Saxony-Anhalt, ending his message with a German variant of his Make America Great Again acronym, “MGGA!”

Elon Musk, who has championed the AfD for years, also expressed his delight.

The AfD has maintained a “strong association with Trump and the MAGA movement, which in France, like many European countries, has become increasingly unpopular,” Roos said.

Hypothetically, if the AfD were to make significant regional gains in Germany, it would likely push for a strong nationalist agenda as well as for strengthening relations with Moscow and the lifting of Russian oil and gas sanctions at the European level, Roos said. He pointed out, though, that German foreign policy is vested in the Chancellor’s office, which may limit sudden shifts even if regional support for the AfD’s positions grows.

He added that German democracy remains solid due to its independent judiciary and constitutional court, designed to keep political power in check.

The AfD’s growing strength presents Europe’s far right with a dilemma. If the party continues to gain popularity in Germany, ignoring it could become more complicated. But embracing it could carry political costs for far-right parties that want to demonstrate that they can move from the political margins into government.

Philip Dulian/dpa/AP

德国另类选择党（AfD）的崛起引起了广泛的担忧，甚至包括一些意想不到的群体——其他欧洲极右翼政党。

尽管德国该党在国内赢得了创纪录的支持率，但其在欧洲其他地区的一些最亲密的意识形态盟友却与其保持距离。

德国近期举行的州选举再次凸显了这种紧张局势。本月初，在萨克森-安哈尔特州，德国选择党（AfD）取得了历史性的胜利，赢得了43.8%的选票，距离获得绝对多数席位仅差三席。上周末在梅克伦堡-前波莫瑞州和柏林举行的选举也显示，主流政党出现了大量选民流失到边缘政党的趋势，其中就包括德国选择党。

包括荷兰自由党领袖海尔特·维尔德、匈牙利青民盟领袖维克托·欧尔班和西班牙Vox党领袖圣地亚哥·阿巴斯卡尔在内的几位极右翼政党领导人都表示祝贺，他们称赞德国选择党的胜利是“德国和欧洲的巨大希望”。

但欧洲一些最大的极右翼政党——包括法国、意大利和英国的政党——却保持沉默。

法国国民联盟（RN）曾是德国选择党（AfD）最亲密的合作伙伴之一，该党甚至在萨克森-安哈尔特州投票之前就表示，与德国选择党重新开展合作“没有计划”。

对于党魁玛丽娜·勒庞来说，既有国内因素的考量，也有意识形态的考量。

在她的领导下，国民联盟接受了所谓的“去毒化”，使该党摆脱了其父让-玛丽·勒庞领导下公开的仇外心理，走向政治主流。

她还致力于摆脱两位创始人纳粹历史带来的污点，重塑该党的形象。该党的反移民言论有所缓和，对混血公民敞开大门——而她父亲那一代人或许并不认为这些人是“合格的”法国人。自哈马斯10月7日袭击以色列以来，她将谴责反犹主义作为重塑党派形象的有力武器。

法国国民阵线（RN）的前身是国民阵线，长期以来一直与德国选择党（AfD）在欧洲议会保持合作关系。但德国选择党一位高层人士淡化希特勒的党卫军准军事组织在二战中的罪行，以及该党秘密计划大规模驱逐外籍人士的消息，都触及了法国国民阵线的底线。与德国选择党结盟与法国国民阵线的新形象不符。2024年5月，该法国政党与德国极右翼决裂，断绝了与德国极右翼的联系。

Thomas Samson/AFP/Getty Images

在德国选择党（AfD）近期取得成功后，党内分裂的迹象愈发明显，而国民联盟（RN）的高层领导却保持沉默。鉴于2027年总统大选即将到来——这将是玛丽娜·勒庞迄今为止赢得爱丽舍宫的最佳机会——这很可能是一种避免负面影响的策略。

“我们在风格和实质上都存在真正的问题。我们不认为他们是我们在德国的盟友，”RN议员弗兰克·阿利西奥在9月6日萨克森-安哈尔特州投票当天告诉LCI电视台。

查塔姆研究所欧洲、俄罗斯和欧亚项目主任格雷戈尔·罗斯表示，与国民联盟（RN）相比，尽管德国选择党（AfD）如今也吸引了广泛的选民群体，但它并未努力清除其内部的极端派系。德国选择党否认了右翼极端主义的指控，该党两位联合领导人此前曾表示，德国国内情报机构将其归类为“极端主义”是“扭曲民主竞争”的企图。

罗斯告诉 CNN：“与竭尽全力清除任何道德败坏因素的国民联盟不同，德国选择党并没有进行这样的清理。”

罗斯表示，德国选择党内部人士也乐于谈论纳粹时代，仿佛那个历史时期的一切都不应该被“扔进垃圾桶”，而这正是该党不被大多数欧洲同行所接受的另一个方面。

Sebastian Gollnow/dpa/AP

然而，埃里克·泽穆尔领导的更为激进的法国极右翼政党“复兴运动”（Reconquest）对德国选择党（AfD）在萨克森-安哈尔特州的胜利表示欢迎。“复兴运动”的欧洲议会议员萨拉·克纳福在选举之夜的社交媒体帖子中称这一结果“具有历史意义”。她写道：“欧洲人民展现了极大的耐心。今天，他们想要重新掌握自己的命运。整个欧洲大陆正在崛起。”

从这个角度来看，德国选择党并非完全孤立。在被“身份与民主”党团开除后，它协助在欧洲议会创建了“主权国家欧洲”党团。这个规模较小、较为孤立的党团成员包括“收复失地运动”等民族主义政党，以及保加利亚的“复兴运动”、匈牙利的“我们的祖国运动”、波兰的“新希望”和斯洛伐克的“共和国运动”。

雷莫·卡西利/路透社

极右翼的意大利兄弟党也没有接纳德国选择党，该党领导人、意大利总理乔治娅·梅洛尼反而采取了在欧洲政治主流中建立影响力的策略。

她的政党隶属于欧洲保守派和改革派联盟，该联盟比德国选择党所属的“主权国家欧洲”联盟更融入欧洲议会的主流体制。这两个政党在外交政策上存在深刻分歧，梅洛尼的政党支持北约和乌克兰，而德国选择党则主张反对向乌克兰提供武器，并希望解除对俄罗斯的制裁。梅洛尼称这些分歧“不可调和”。

英国极右翼政党改革党（Reform UK）的领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇（Nigel Farage）将德国选择党（AfD）描述为“好坏参半”。

今年四月，法拉奇在与阿克塞尔·施普林格集团首席执行官马蒂亚斯·德普夫纳的播客节目中被问及他所在的政党与德国选择党的主要分歧是什么时，法拉奇表示：“我认为他们亲普京的立场，我很难理解。”他还补充说，德国选择党与一些独裁者的关系“非常非常棘手”。

德国选择党的外交政策立场使其成为许多人眼中尴尬的合作伙伴。

该党内部在德国与俄罗斯和美国的关系问题上存在分歧，但其支持与莫斯科建立更紧密关系的立场使其与其他欧洲右翼政党区别开来。此外，该党在乌克兰问题上采取了强烈的反援助立场，这使其与部分（但并非全部）欧洲民粹主义政党有所不同。

罗斯认为，该党在乌克兰和俄罗斯问题上“非常激进”。“听德国选择党的言论，你几乎会觉得俄罗斯没有入侵乌克兰，俄罗斯没有每天在乌克兰犯下罪行或杀害平民。”俄罗斯一再否认在乌克兰境内以平民为目标的指控。

此外，法国国民联盟等政党已努力与俄罗斯和中国等外国势力划清界限，而德国选择党则没有。去年，德国选择党一名前高级助手因在德国从事间谍活动而被定罪，该党与北京的联系因此成为舆论焦点。

德国选择党也在华盛顿争取支持。唐纳德·特朗普总统在社交媒体上祝贺该党在萨克森-安哈尔特州取得压倒性胜利，并在信息结尾加上了他“让美国再次伟大”口号的德语版本“MGGA！”

多年来一直支持德国选择党的埃隆·马斯克也表达了他的喜悦之情。

罗斯表示，德国选择党一直与特朗普和“让美国再次伟大”（MAGA）运动保持着“紧密的联系，而MAGA运动在法国，像在许多欧洲国家一样，已经变得越来越不受欢迎”。

罗斯表示，假设德国选择党在德国取得显著的地区性进展，它可能会推动强硬的民族主义议程，并在欧洲层面加强与莫斯科的关系，以及解除对俄罗斯石油和天然气的制裁。但他同时指出，德国外交政策由总理办公室负责，即使德国选择党的立场在地区内获得越来越多的支持，总理办公室也可能限制政策的突然转变。

他还补充说，德国民主之所以能够保持稳固，是因为其独立的司法机构和宪法法院，旨在制衡政治权力。

德国选择党（AfD）日益壮大的实力给欧洲极右翼带来了两难境地。如果该党在德国继续获得支持，忽视它可能变得更加棘手。但对于那些想要证明自己能够从政治边缘走向执政的极右翼政党而言，接纳它则可能付出政治代价。