Israeli raids and arrests in southern Syria push population to the brink

Survivors recount brutal prison conditions, enduring beatings, restraints, and psychological abuse by Israeli soldiers.

Residents gather in Beit Jinn, Syria, on December 1, 2025, after Israeli troops raided the village days earlier [Omar Albam/AP Photo]

Qatana, Syria – In the living room of his home, Ahmed explains in a low voice how he was beaten and tortured in an Israeli prison after he was arrested at a checkpoint the Israeli military had set up on the street in his village in Syria.

“They stopped me, they asked for my name, asked where I’m from,” he says. “I gave my name and village. They said, ‘You need to come with us for five minutes, and we’ll bring you back.'”

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He says he then spent more than one year detained in Israel. For 90 days, he was in handcuffs and describes being thrown to the cell floor, beaten with sticks while restrained with his hands behind his back.

“They tighten the cuffs by stamping on them with their feet, until the cuffs bite into the flesh of your wrists and also your buttocks. Sometimes they leave them tightened like this for one or two days until your hands are extremely swollen. Your hands go green, and you can’t feel them at all.”

After his release this month, dozens of people gathered outside his home to congratulate him on his return, and to seek any scrap of information about their own relatives who are still missing. Al Jazeera has ascertained that there are at least 51 Syrians still detained inside Israel. Many were held in the notorious Sde Teiman military prison , but have since been transferred to facilities run by the Israel Prison Service. Al Jazeera has confirmed Syrians have been moved to Ofer, al-Jalama (Kishon) and Megiddo. A small number have been released.

The impact is ongoing. Mahmoud – a pseudonym – had been home for nine days when Al Jazeera interviewed him. “Until now I feel unstable; I’m not normal. I feel crazy sometimes in the night. I go to look at my kids because I can’t believe I’m really home.”

Mahmoud pauses as his six-year-old son carries in a tray of wobbling tea glasses and sets it carefully on the carpeted floor. The glasses clink, and the window shakes. The children turn their heads towards the sound of artillery. Since early August, the Israeli military has fired shells into the fields most days, preventing farmers and shepherds from working, occasionally killing livestock and regularly terrifying the population. In September, the Sijil Center, a Syrian organisation that monitors Israeli activity, documented 280 Israeli violations of the 1974 agreement between the two countries, including incursions, raids and arrests, as well as artillery and machine-gun fire.

UN forces have patrolled a demilitarised zone between the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights and the rest of Syria since the 1974 agreement, but Israel occupied more Syrian land in the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Bashar al-Assad regime in December 2024. The peacekeepers remain, but have limited capacity to restrain Israeli military activity, which continues to increase .

In one incident in late August, two Israeli tanks and five other armoured vehicles descended from one of their hilltop bases and blocked the only access road to United Nations Disengagement Observer Force base 37, near the village of Jubata al-Khashab. A man who works for the local council called the UN base, which houses a peacekeeping mission established in 1974 to maintain the Israeli-Syrian ceasefire, and asked if they needed assistance.

“I think they were offended,” he laughed. “And they told me ‘, No, stay where you are; don’t you or anybody else come down here. We’ll call for help from another base if we need it.'”

UNDOF confirmed to Al Jazeera that the movement of their personnel continues to be “restricted on occasion” by the Israeli military, and that Israel’s practice of setting up roadblocks and checkpoints is “preventing UNDOF from conducting its planned and mandated patrol activities”.

Residents sometimes seek help from peacekeepers when people are detained at checkpoints, but there is little they can do about the midnight raids.

Mahmoud was detained at 3:30am when Israeli troops surrounded his home, calling for him by name and brandishing a photo of him from social media. Nine days after his release, he crouches, kneeling and pressing his forehead to the ground with his hands behind his head.

“They make us sit like this for hours,” he says, noting that he ended up with infected wounds on his knees from the cell floor. He has scars on his wrists and ankles from being restrained.

“They cuff you so you can’t move and then release the dogs,” he says. “They have muzzles on, but they ran into us, like a body slam.” The metal muzzles, he explains, made the impact stronger and caused bleeding.

“I want to tell you about the ‘disco room’,” he says. “It’s a room full of speakers; they put detainees in there, and the music is very loud.” He described seeing Syrian, Palestinian and Lebanese prisoners throwing up when they were allowed out.

Mahmoud was never charged, and says he does not know why he was released. He says that he was never granted access to a lawyer throughout his detention. The Red Cross has been denied access to detainees in Israeli detention since October 7, 2023, the date of the Hamas-led attack on Israel and the start of Israel’s subsequent genocidal war on Gaza.

“They make sure you understand the moment you enter that you are stripped of all your rights; they tell you this explicitly.”

Al Jazeera has contacted the Israeli military for comment, but has yet to receive a response. Israel says that its occupation of Syrian land and incursions deeper into Syria are necessary for security reasons, and to defend Syria’s Druze community, which it says is threatened by the authorities in Syria – a claim the Syrian government rejects.

Detained without charge

Ahmed was bewildered by this treatment. He told Al Jazeera that he was not even questioned until nearly five months into his detention. He was asked whether he, or anyone he knew, was a member of Hezbollah, Hamas, ISIL (ISIS) or a list of other armed groups which had little in common and fought on opposite sides during the war in Syria.

Mohammed Seyyed was detained in 2025. Israeli troops had conducted an incursion the previous day, wreaking destruction on his home and farm. He, his son, his brother and his nephew had gone to make repairs when they were detained and taken into Israel. He was brought to the interrogation room bound and blindfolded. When an Israeli officer freed his eyes, they showed him maps and photographs of his home and neighbourhood.

“Even the barber who cuts my hair, they knew his name, his address,” he said. “They were letting me know they knew everything about me. That any question they might ask, they already knew the answer and would know if I was lying.”

But when the questions came, they were general. The Israeli officers seemed to know everything about him, except what he was accused of. Mohammed told Al Jazeera that one of the officers admitted he had been detained based on false information, which he attributed to reports made by those in his community who inform for Israel.

A community under siege

The fallout of Israeli military activity is wide-ranging. Impromptu checkpoints mean many residents are afraid to leave their homes. Road closures have an impact long after the Israeli soldiers leave: students who need to travel for university consider relocating to Damascus to guarantee they can attend classes, and people with health conditions worry about being blocked from reaching care.

The Syrian government is in a difficult position; Israel has blocked its forces from operating in the south, and it doesn’t have the military strength to confront its neighbour even if the authorities wished to. Instead, they have been attempting to negotiate a security agreement, but talks have largely stalled since the outbreak of the US-Israel war on Iran.

Residents are losing patience and have begun to protest. In Qatana, local sheikhs gathered after Friday prayers.

“They tested our patience in Daraa,” said Sheikh Mamdouh Tahhan, referring to an incident in Abidin where locals confronted Israeli troops. “As a state we don’t have the ability to get into a war with Israel, but as people we are ready.”

The families of some of those detained feel abandoned by their government. They complain about the lack of legal or financial assistance, noting that with their breadwinners missing, they have run up debts worth hundreds of dollars at local grocery stores.

The families have created a WhatsApp group to exchange news and information, sometimes looking for signs in a sky that is heavy with the sound of Israeli warplanes flying low, and the persistent buzz of a surveillance drone. “From the morning I’ve been listening, and I’ve been hearing the drone,” one mother says. “I have a hunch that because the drone is up, maybe there will be a release today.”

For several weeks in a row, people were released on Wednesdays. It has become a day of pained anticipation. Hassan Ahmed’s son, then 16, was taken into Israel in April 2025. Israeli troops razed his 400 olive trees shortly after. He has become pivotal in organising protests and hunting for information along with the other parents – in October, Israeli forces raided his farm again, destroying solar panels. Sitting on his balcony, the late afternoon sun filtering through the leaves of a walnut tree, he plays voice notes from other parents that land every minute or so.

“Since this morning, any message that pings on the phone, any new notification I check, hoping somebody has been released,” another mother explains. “Our hearts are on fire. We’re waiting.”

“I’m full of grief,” Hassan says, putting the phone down. “I’ll never be able to describe the pain, it’s very tough. Even trying to describe it makes my heart tighten. I feel like my heart will stop. I feel I will explode.”

幸存者讲述了残酷的监狱条件，以及他们遭受以色列士兵的殴打、束缚和精神虐待。

2025年12月1日，以色列军队袭击叙利亚拜特金村数日后，村民们聚集在村外。[奥马尔·阿尔巴姆/美联社照片]

叙利亚卡塔纳——在自家客厅里，艾哈迈德低声讲述了他在以色列监狱中遭受殴打和酷刑的经历。此前，他在叙利亚村庄的街道上被以色列军队设立的检查站逮捕。

“他们拦住我，问我叫什么名字，从哪里来，”他说。“我告诉了他们我的名字和村庄。他们说，‘你跟我们走五分钟，我们送你回去。’”

以色列监狱内幕（共3个列表，第1个）：本·格维尔的残暴行径已成为政策的一部分

列表 2/3：巴勒斯坦儿童在以色列拘留期间遭受的苦难

以色列证实巴勒斯坦被拘留者死亡，距今已近两年，此消息为列表 3/3。

他说，之后他在以色列被拘留了一年多。其中有90天他被戴上手铐，他描述说，他被扔到牢房地板上，双手被反绑在背后，遭到棍棒殴打。

“他们用脚踩紧手铐，直到手铐勒进你的手腕和臀部的肉里。有时他们会这样勒一两天，直到你的手肿得厉害，变成绿色，完全感觉不到疼痛。”

本月他获释后，数十人聚集在他家门外，祝贺他回家，并希望能得到一些关于他们仍然失踪的亲人的消息。半岛电视台已确认，至少有51名叙利亚人仍被关押在以色列境内。许多人曾被关押在臭名昭著的斯德泰曼军事监狱，但后来被转移到以色列监狱管理局管理的设施。半岛电视台证实，一些叙利亚人已被转移到奥弗、基雄岛的贾拉马和米吉多。少数人已被释放。

这场灾难的影响仍在持续。化名马哈茂德的马哈茂德在接受半岛电视台采访时，已经回家九天了。“直到现在，我仍然感觉很不稳定，很不正常。有时晚上我会感觉自己快疯了。我会去看我的孩子们，因为我简直不敢相信自己真的回家了。”

马哈茂德停下脚步，看着他六岁的儿子端着一盘摇摇晃晃的茶杯进来，小心翼翼地放在铺着地毯的地板上。茶杯碰撞作响，窗户也跟着晃动。孩子们循着炮声望去。自八月初以来，以色列军队几乎每天都向田野里发射炮弹，阻止农民和牧羊人耕作，有时还会炸死牲畜，并经常使民众陷入恐慌。九月份，叙利亚监测以色列活动的组织“西吉尔中心”记录了以色列违反两国1974年协议的280起事件，包括入侵、突袭和逮捕，以及炮击和机枪扫射。

自 1974 年协议签署以来，联合国部队一直在以色列占领的戈兰高地和叙利亚其他地区之间的非军事区巡逻，但在 2024 年 12 月巴沙尔·阿萨德政权垮台后，以色列立即占领了更多叙利亚土地。维和部队仍然驻扎在那里，但其遏制以色列军事活动的能力有限，而以色列的军事活动却在不断增加。

8月下旬发生的一起事件中，两辆以色列坦克和五辆其他装甲车从其位于山顶的基地驶下，封锁了通往联合国脱离接触观察员部队第37号基地（位于朱巴塔·哈沙布村附近）的唯一道路。一名在当地议会工作的男子致电该联合国基地，询问是否需要援助。该基地驻扎着一支于1974年设立的维和部队，旨在维护以叙停火。

“我觉得他们生气了，”他笑着说。“他们告诉我，‘不行，待在原地别动；你和其他人都不许下来。如果需要，我们会从其他基地请求支援。’”

联合国脱离接触观察员部队向半岛电视台证实，以色列军方“偶尔”限制其人员的行动，以色列设置路障和检查站的做法“阻止了联合国脱离接触观察员部队开展其计划和授权的巡逻活动”。

当有人在检查站被拘留时，居民有时会向维和人员寻求帮助，但对于午夜突袭，他们却无能为力。

凌晨3点30分，以色列军队包围了马哈茂德的家，喊着他的名字，并挥舞着从社交媒体上找到的照片，将他拘留。获释九天后，他蜷缩着身子，跪在地上，双手抱头，额头抵着地面。

“他们让我们这样坐上好几个小时，”他说，并指出他的膝盖被牢房地板磨破，伤口感染了。他的手腕和脚踝上也留有被束缚的疤痕。

“他们先给我们戴上手铐，让我们动弹不得，然后放出警犬，”他说。“警犬戴着口套，但还是像猛扑一样撞了上来。”他解释说，金属口套加剧了冲击力，导致我们流血。

“我想跟你说说那个‘迪斯科舞厅’，”他说。“那是一个摆满了音响的房间；他们把囚犯关在那里，音乐声震耳欲聋。”他还描述了看到叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和黎巴嫩的囚犯被允许外出时呕吐的情景。

马哈茂德从未被起诉，他说他不知道自己为何获释。他还说，在被拘留期间，他从未被允许与律师见面。自2023年10月7日以来，红十字会一直被拒绝探视被以色列拘留的人员。2023年10月7日是哈马斯领导的袭击以色列以及以色列随后对加沙发动种族灭绝战争的日期。

“他们会让你从踏入大门的那一刻起就明白，你的所有权利都被剥夺了；他们会明确地告诉你这一点。”

半岛电视台已联系以色列军方寻求置评，但尚未收到回复。以色列方面表示，其占领叙利亚领土并深入叙利亚腹地是出于安全考虑，是为了保护叙利亚德鲁兹社群，以色列称该社群受到叙利亚当局的威胁——叙利亚政府否认了这一说法。

未经指控被拘留

艾哈迈德对这种待遇感到困惑不解。他告诉半岛电视台，在他被拘留近五个月后才受到讯问。他被问及他本人或他认识的人是否是真主党、哈马斯、伊斯兰国（ISIS）或其他一些武装组织的成员，这些组织之间几乎没有任何共同之处，而且在叙利亚战争中曾是敌对阵营。

穆罕默德·赛义德于2025年被拘留。前一天，以色列军队入侵了他的家园和农场，造成了严重破坏。他和他的儿子、兄弟以及侄子当时正在修缮房屋，结果被拘留并带回以色列。他被带到审讯室时，双手被绑，双眼被蒙住。一名以色列军官解开他的眼睛后，向他展示了他家和附近街区的地图和照片。

“就连给我理发的理发师，他们都知道他的名字和住址，”他说。“他们这是在暗示我，他们对我了如指掌。无论他们问什么，他们都知道答案，而且一眼就能看出我是否在撒谎。”

但当被问及问题时，却都是些泛泛之谈。以色列官员似乎对他的一切都了如指掌，唯独对他的指控一无所知。穆罕默德告诉半岛电视台，其中一名官员承认，他被拘留是基于虚假信息，而他认为这些信息来自他所在社区中那些向以色列提供情报的人。

一个被围困的社区

以色列军事行动的影响范围广泛。临时设立的检查站导致许多居民不敢出门。道路封闭的影响在以色列士兵撤离后仍持续存在：需要前往大学上课的学生考虑搬到大马士革以确保能够正常上课，而患有疾病的人则担心无法及时获得医疗服务。

叙利亚政府处境艰难；以色列阻止了其军队在南部开展行动，而且即便叙利亚当局有意对抗以色列，也缺乏足够的军事力量。因此，双方一直试图通过谈判达成安全协议，但自美以爆发伊朗战争以来，谈判基本陷入停滞。

居民们逐渐失去耐心，开始抗议。在卡塔纳，当地的酋长们在周五祈祷后聚集在一起。

“他们在德拉考验了我们的耐心，”谢赫·马姆杜·塔汉说道，他指的是阿比丁当地居民与以色列军队发生冲突的事件。“作为一个国家，我们没有能力与以色列开战，但作为人民，我们已经做好了准备。”

一些被拘留者的家属感到被政府抛弃。他们抱怨缺乏法律或经济援助，并指出由于家中顶梁柱失踪，他们在当地杂货店欠下了数百美元的债务。

这些家庭建立了一个WhatsApp群组，用来交流消息和信息，有时他们会在充斥着以色列战机低空飞行声和侦察无人机持续嗡嗡声的天空中寻找蛛丝马迹。“从早上开始我就一直在听，一直听到无人机的声音，”一位母亲说。“我预感，既然无人机在空中，今天或许会有一次行动。”

连续几个星期，人们都在周三获释。这一天变成了充满痛苦期盼的日子。哈桑·艾哈迈德的儿子当时16岁，于2025年4月被以色列带走。不久之后，以色列军队夷平了他家的400棵橄榄树。他和其它家长一起，在组织抗议活动和搜寻信息方面发挥了关键作用——10月份，以色列军队再次突袭了他的农场，摧毁了太阳能电池板。他坐在阳台上，午后的阳光透过核桃树的叶子洒下来，他播放着其他家长每隔一分钟左右发来的语音留言。

“从今天早上开始，手机上每收到一条消息，每收到一条新通知，我都会查看，希望能有人获​​释，”另一位母亲解释说。“我们焦急万分，焦急地等待着。”

“我悲痛欲绝，”哈桑说着，挂断了电话。“这种痛苦我永远也无法形容，太难熬了。即使只是想描述它，我的心都会揪紧。我感觉我的心脏都要停止跳动了。我感觉自己快要崩溃了。”