Any perception that China doesn’t affect NATO is invalid

The United States’ most significant challenge in the 21st century is the strategic rivalry with the Peoples’ Republic of China in the Indo-Pacific region. With the PRC’s “One China” policy stating that Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory, a clash over the island could become the culminating issue leading to world conflict, if not addressed in an appropriate manner.

China’s globalization, border expansion and aggressive actions are responsible for hundreds of billions of dollars in defense spending among Indo-Pacific nations and the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization alliance. China’s power has grown to the point where it challenges the borders of other countries’ sovereignty, while restricting them socioeconomically with the accumulation of money and natural resources. This is due to the weakening of Indo-Pacific alliances, which allows China to develop a system that exploits divisions among non-SEATO countries in the region.

China’s general assembly session has made the industrialization of defense spending and armed forces one of the 14th five-year plan’s main goals, emphasizing that economic prosperity should go hand in hand with bolstering the military.

“By the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in 2027, the centennial goal of military development should be achieved, and by 2035 the country should achieve modernization of the national defense and armed forces,” according to Global Security report citing a Chinese plenary session.

The U.S. as well as its allies and partners must make a significant effort to counter China’s global rise, military expansion and infringement on regional sovereignty. NATO, of which the United States is a member, and SEATO are the only entities with the potential and legal capacity to limit China’s influence. One of many deterrence solutions is to increase defense spending, enable diplomatic channels, and encourage allies and non-allies to do the same rather than turning to China for assistance.

The alliance is durable , and as a democratic organization, the bedrock of NATO’s security framework is essential and can strengthen regional stability while bolstering deterrence in the Indo-Pacific. Working with allies, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region, is part of the solution to a more dangerous and uncertain world.

Global security is intertwined , and Europe can no longer ignore what occurs in the east. Look no further than the Russian invasion of Ukraine , which bolstered the list of democratic allies and illustrated how security is interconnected.

What occurs in Europe impacts East Asia, and what happens in East Asia influences the European Union. In the 21st century, the perception that China no longer affects NATO is invalid.

For its part, the U.S. National Defense Strategy recognizes the immediate threat of China, and calls for prolonged deterrence in the Indo-Pacific through the military. As part of that, the U.S. should continue to support a Japanese no-first-use policy for nuclear weapons.

By that same token, the U.S. must help strengthen Japan’s defense capabilities and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, which could lessen Tokyo’s dependence on Washington for security.

U.S., NATO and SEATO leadership must collaborate on reinforcing deterrence in Northeast Asia. They can also gain a better understanding of how interoperability, military exercises and the management of nuclear arsenals provide safeguards in the Indo-Pacific.

Lastly, the U.S. must combine its separate deterrence conversations with Japan, Australia, the Philippines and South Korea. That multinational discussion should address topics like nuclear preparation if deterrence fails.

Undeniably, China will continue to bend the rules to gain control of the Indo-Pacific, and it has not been shy about trying to uproot democratic institutions and ideals throughout the world.

But to get the U.S. to represent several nations in a democratic way, Washington must understand the political landscape of other countries and comprehend the governing bodies’ situations. The aim is to avoid a future conflict with China in the 21st century, and democratic nations must communicate effectively to push for concrete agreements.

First Lt. Adrian Pickett is a troop commander for the 2nd Joint Communications Squadron out of MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Florida. This commentary does not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Defense Department.

美国在21世纪面临的最严峻挑战是与中华民国在印太地区的战略竞争。鉴于中华人民共和国奉行“一个中国”政策，声称台湾是中国领土不可分割的一部分，若处理不当，围绕台湾的冲突可能成为引发世界大战的导火索。

中国的全球化、领土扩张和咄咄逼人的行径导致印太地区国家和东南亚条约组织成员国的国防开支高达数千亿美元。中国的实力增长到如此程度，以至于它不仅挑战他国的主权边界，还通过积累资金和自然资源在社会经济上限制他国。这源于印太地区联盟的削弱，使得中国得以建立一套利用该地区非东南亚条约组织成员国之间分歧的体系。

中国人民代表大会将国防开支和军队工业化列为“十四五”规划的主要目标之一，强调经济繁荣与加强军事力量应齐头并进。

据《全球安全》报道，中国中央全会表示，“到2027年中国人民解放军成立100周年之际，要实现百年军事发展目标；到2035年，要实现国防和军队现代化。”

美国及其盟友和伙伴必须做出重大努力，遏制中国的全球崛起、军事扩张和对地区主权的侵犯。北约（美国是其成员国）和东南亚条约组织是唯一有能力和法律权力限制中国影响力的组织。众多威慑方案之一是增加国防开支，开辟外交渠道，并鼓励盟友和非盟友也这样做，而不是向中国寻求帮助。

北约联盟稳固持久，作为一个民主组织，它是北约安全框架的基石，至关重要，能够加强区域稳定，同时提升在印太地区的威慑力。与盟友合作，尤其是在印太地区，是应对日益危险和不确定的世界局势的解决方案之一。

全球安全息息相关，欧洲再也不能对东方的局势视而不见。俄罗斯入侵乌克兰就是一个典型的例子，它不仅壮大了民主盟友的队伍，也充分说明了安全形势的相互关联性。

欧洲发生的事情会影响东亚，东亚发生的事情也会影响欧盟。在21世纪，认为中国不再对北约产生影响的观点是错误的。

美国《国防战略》承认中国构成的直接威胁，并呼吁通过军事力量在印太地区实施长期威慑。作为其中的一部分，美国应继续支持日本不首先使用核武器的政策。

同样地，美国必须帮助加强日本在印太地区的防御能力和伙伴关系，这可以减少东京在安全方面对华盛顿的依赖。

美国、北约和东南亚条约组织领导层必须合作加强东北亚地区的威慑力。他们还可以更好地了解如何通过互操作性、军事演习和核武库管理来保障印太地区的安全。

最后，美国必须将其与日本、澳大利亚、菲律宾和韩国各自进行的威慑对话结合起来。这种多边讨论应涵盖诸如威慑失败时的核准备等议题。

不可否认，中国将继续不择手段地控制印太地区，并且毫不掩饰地试图在世界各地根除民主制度和理念。

但要让美国以民主的方式代表多个国家，华盛顿必须了解其他国家的政治格局，理解其治理机构的实际情况。其目的是为了避免21世纪与中国发生冲突，民主国家必须进行有效沟通，以推动达成具体协议。

阿德里安·皮克特中尉是驻扎在佛罗里达州坦帕市麦克迪尔空军基地的第二联合通信中队的一名排长。此评论并不一定反映美国国防部的观点。