PM Anutin laughs off what political pundits see as rising threats to the stability of his government

September 7, 2026 at 12:43 am

in Living , Media , Politics , Thailand

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul faces a widening political storm as corruption allegations, a disputed Senate election and threatened street protests converge. Veteran activist Sondhi Limthongkul is preparing a new mobilisation against “grey capital”, while public distrust deepens. At the same time, the Election Commission must decide the explosive Senate collusion case on September 14 after two committees reached starkly opposing conclusions. The dispute covers 229 people, including 138 serving senators, while leaked investigative files fuel opposition attacks. Separately, serious claims surrounding local government recruitment examinations are drawing senior political figures and ministers into another major corruption controversy as public patience wears thin.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul faces a Senate storm as Sondhi Limthongkul threatens protests. The EC must rule on 229 people as exam corruption claims hint at ministerial-level culpability. ( Source: Matichon )

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul on Sunday dismissed a growing political storm surrounding corruption and the disputed 2024 Senate election.

Meanwhile, veteran activist Sondhi Limthongkul is threatening fresh street mobilisation against the Bhumjaithai Party-led government. His intervention comes as public unease grows over several major corruption controversies. Most immediately, the Election Commission faces a crucial decision over alleged Senate collusion on September 14.

Separately, serious accusations continue to swirl around local government recruitment examinations. Those claims include suggestions of involvement by senior political figures and ministers. The scandal has become another major problem for the government. At the same time, Mr Sondhi is preparing a campaign explicitly directed against “grey capital”.

Anutin rejects Senate collusion claims as rival Election Commission findings deepen political pressure

Against that backdrop, Mr Anutin showed no sign of alarm on Sunday. Instead, he laughed when asked whether the Senate affair could shake his government. He firmly denied that Bhumjaithai had participated in Senate election collusion. Moreover, he attacked the People’s Party for continuing to pursue purported connections.

The Senate controversy concerns the unusual selection process used to choose Thailand’s upper house in 2024. Investigators examined claims that an organised network colluded to control the outcome. Subsequently, one investigative committee recommended action against 229 people. They included 138 serving senators and 91 political figures and others.

Notably, that first investigation was handled by Committee 26. It included Department of Special Investigation personnel and Election Commission appointees. The committee recommended prosecution of all 229 people examined. However, a later committee reached a dramatically different conclusion.

Committee 36 subsequently recommended no action against those it examined. Consequently, two investigative processes produced sharply conflicting outcomes. One sought prosecution of more than 200 people. The other recommended clearing those under examination.

Election Commission faces September 14 decision as leaked Senate files fuel a wider political dispute

For that reason, attention has increasingly shifted towards the Election Commission itself. Its final decision is scheduled for Monday, September 14. Until then, opposition politicians continue citing information from the investigative files. Government figures, however, are demanding explanations about how that confidential material was obtained.

In parallel, the dispute has developed beyond the original collusion allegations. One issue concerns whether the Senate selection was manipulated. Another concerns possible political connections behind the alleged network. A third concerns leaks of confidential investigative documents. Together, those disputes have intensified the political confrontation.

Mr Anutin entered that confrontation directly at 4.40 pm on Sunday. He spoke at Bhumjaithai Party headquarters after a party meeting. In response, he dismissed claims involving Committee 36 and the Advanced Political and Election Development Course. He said there was absolutely no link.

“I don’t know how to respond. There’s absolutely no connection whatsoever. They’re just making things up.”

He then turned his criticism towards People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu. Specifically, Mr Anutin challenged Mr Parit over another dispute involving Napinthon Srisarppang. Mr Napinthon is Minister attached to the Prime Minister’s Office. The Prime Minister referred to an earlier broadcast exchange between the two men.

Anutin turns on Parit as he dismisses Senate links and points to his pre-election party directive

According to Mr Anutin, most viewers could already judge which participant had told the truth. He therefore told Mr Parit to settle that argument first. Then, he accused the opposition MP of redirecting his attack after losing the earlier exchange.

“Therefore, if you lose on that point, don’t go lashing out elsewhere. As a representative of the people, you must have maturity. This is like a sore loser picking a fight. That’s not acceptable.”

Mr Anutin also said each political group should concentrate on its own responsibilities. At present, he said, Bhumjaithai had no right to intervene in the Senate collusion case. Furthermore, he said he had repeated that instruction during Sunday’s party meeting.

As part of his defence, Mr Anutin pointed to a directive issued before the 2024 Senate election. The order prohibited Bhumjaithai members from interfering in the Senate selection. The process was supposed to remain independent of political parties. Accordingly, members were instructed to keep away.

Mr Anutin said the directive was issued before the Senate election. He complained that people had subsequently forgotten the instruction. Therefore, he said, the notice must be mentioned when reporters raise the allegations.

Anutin says 2024 Senate timeline rules out any link with governments formed later in 2025 and 2026

The Prime Minister also relied heavily on chronology. The Senate election took place in July 2024. At that time, Bhumjaithai was a coalition partner in the Pheu Thai-led government. Mr Anutin served as Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister.

By contrast, his first government as Prime Minister came to power in September 2025. His second government followed in March 2026. Thus, Mr Anutin argued, his premiership could not be connected chronologically with the Senate election.

“If you say that the Anutin government was involved in the collusion regarding the Senate elections, let me reiterate that Anutin’s first government came into power in September 2025, Anutin’s second government in March 2026, and the Senate election was in July 2024. Therefore, the timeline doesn’t make sense.”

However, criticism surrounding the affair extends beyond decisions made by his governments. Opposition figures have also raised possible involvement by individuals associated with Bhumjaithai. Mr Anutin rejected that proposition just as firmly.

“If you say that someone from the Bhumjaithai Party was involved, no one from the Bhumjaithai Party could be involved.”

Bhumjaithai says no member defied Senate order and insists the party never needed upper-house support

His argument again rested on the earlier party directive. Anyone participating would have disobeyed the party leader’s orders. So far, he said, Bhumjaithai had found no evidence that anybody had done that.

“Because if they were involved, they would be disobeying orders, and the Bhumjaithai Party hasn’t seen anyone disobey the party’s orders.”

Mr Anutin also said the party had no evidence supporting action against any member. Therefore, it could not conclude that somebody had violated his instruction.

“There’s also no evidence for the Bhumjaithai Party to accuse or conclude that anyone disobeyed the party leader’s orders in connection with the Senate elections.”

He then returned to the separate duties of politicians and senators. “It’s clear that we all have our duties as MPs; everyone has their position and responsibilities,” he said.

On another front, Mr Anutin argued that Bhumjaithai never needed Senate support for its political development. In 2024, the party already held positions within a coalition government. Its MPs and ministers were carrying out their existing duties. Accordingly, he said there was no original incentive to intervene.

Anutin credits electoral growth as corruption claims and Senate transparency concerns intensify further

Mr Anutin then traced Bhumjaithai’s political expansion from 2019. He said the party entered government through its own electoral strength. Subsequently, he cited growth from 50 seats to 70 and then 193 seats. He attributed that growth to serving voters.

“We did not rely on the Senate to become the government or to help us grow from 50 seats to 70 seats to 193 seats.”

“This came from serving the people and from the work of the Bhumjaithai Party.”

He then delivered his central denial. “Therefore, I would like you to understand that the Bhumjaithai Party has no involvement whatsoever in this matter.”

Yet the Senate controversy is developing as other corruption accusations gather political force. Most seriously, questions continue around local government recruitment examinations. The allegations include claims concerning senior figures and ministers. The supplied material describes the affair as one of Thailand’s biggest corruption scandals.

Meanwhile, public concern surrounding the Senate process had already emerged before the latest confrontation. A Suan Dusit Poll surveyed 1,211 people in May 2025. Of those respondents, 60.36% cited insufficient transparency surrounding the Senate selection.

Public distrust grows as Sondhi prepares a fresh mobilisation against corruption and grey capital

In addition, 56.73% said they lacked confidence in Thailand’s political system. Another 57.12% linked the affair with greater public distrust and ideological division. Significantly, 66.15% believed the Senate controversy could affect government stability.

Now, those concerns are colliding with conflicting Election Commission findings. Committee 26 recommended action against 229 people. Committee 36 subsequently recommended none. Meanwhile, confidential material from those investigations continues circulating politically.

Against this backdrop, Mr Sondhi’s reappearance adds an entirely different source of pressure. The 78-year-old media businessman plans a major press conference on September 7. He is expected to outline plans for a new political mobilisation. His campaign carries the slogan “reclaim Thailand from grey capital”.

Mr Anutin has already dismissed that slogan. On Thursday, he said Thailand already belonged to every Thai. Therefore, he argued, the country did not need to be “reclaimed”. Nevertheless, he acknowledged Mr Sondhi’s constitutional right to demonstrate within the law.

Mr Sondhi’s intervention carries weight because of his history in Thai street politics. He is not simply a media critic of the government. Previously, he helped organise mass movements which became central players during major national political crises.

Sondhi’s media power and yellow-shirt movement shaped major political confrontations in the 2000s

A journalist turned businessman, Mr Sondhi built the Manager media empire. His interests later expanded into newspapers and broadcasting, including ASTV. During the political conflicts of the 2000s, that network became a powerful communications platform.

Initially, Mr Sondhi was an enthusiastic supporter of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Later, however, the relationship collapsed. By 2005, he had become one of Mr Thaksin’s fiercest political opponents. He subsequently emerged as a leading figure in the People’s Alliance for Democracy.

The yellow-shirt movement then brought huge crowds onto Bangkok’s streets. Its demonstrations helped create the political crisis preceding the September 2006 military coup. That coup removed Mr Thaksin from office. Still, Mr Sondhi’s movement did not disappear.

Two years later, the People’s Alliance for Democracy returned against another Thaksin-linked government. Protesters occupied Government House during the confrontation. Later, they seized Suvarnabhumi and Don Mueang airports. The action caused major disruption and intensified Thailand’s political conflict.

Sondhi survived a 2009 assassination bid and now returns as September’s political calendar tightens

Then, in April 2009, Mr Sondhi survived an assassination attempt in Bangkok. Gunmen fired scores of rounds into his vehicle. He suffered serious head injuries but survived emergency surgery. Years afterwards, he was imprisoned following a securities-related conviction.

Mr Sondhi was subsequently released under a royal pardon in September 2019. Now, he is threatening another return to organised street politics. This time, his target is the government led by Mr Anutin and Bhumjaithai.

The timing places his campaign directly beside the Senate controversy. His September 7 announcement comes only seven days before the Election Commission’s scheduled decision. Furthermore, his campaign is explicitly framed around corruption and “grey capital”.

Political analysts Jatuporn Prompan and Thepthai Senpong have also highlighted September’s unusually crowded political calendar. They identified three major dates falling within 21 days. First comes Mr Sondhi’s September 7 intervention. Next comes the Election Commission’s September 14 Senate decision.

Finally, the Constitutional Court is scheduled to rule on September 28. That case concerns QR codes printed on ballot papers. It is separate from the Senate collusion investigation. Even so, all three politically sensitive events fall within the same month.

Election Commission remains under pressure as opposing Senate findings and leaked files dominate

The immediate institutional focus remains the Election Commission. Its investigators have delivered opposing recommendations in the Senate case. Committee 26 favoured action against all 229 people. Conversely, Committee 36 recommended no prosecution among the cases it examined.

In the meantime, opposition politicians continue drawing attention to the confidential investigative material. Government figures are pushing back against those disclosures. In particular, they want to know how sensitive case information reached political opponents.

Mr Anutin’s response is therefore built around several separate defences. First, his government came to power after the Senate election. Second, Bhumjaithai members had been expressly barred from participating. Third, he says no evidence shows that any party member ignored those orders.

Additionally, he rejects any suggestion that Bhumjaithai needed Senate support. The party, he argues, expanded through electoral support rather than upper-house influence. For that reason, he says there was no political incentive for interference.

Anutin rests defence on chronology, orders and his claim Bhumjaithai never needed the Senate

When reporters asked whether the Senate controversy could shake his government, Mr Anutin laughed. He again separated the Senate’s formation from his premiership. Then, he used two Bangkok roads to explain his argument.

“I’ve already answered that. When the government came into power, and when the senators came into power, there’s no way they can be linked or connected.”

He continued with a comparison. “It’s like Rama IV Road and Sukhumvit Road; you can talk about them, but they’ll never meet because they’re from different time periods and contexts. Okay?”

The opposition, however, has not accepted his explanation. Instead, it continues examining alleged links emerging from the investigation. At the same time, government figures continue challenging the provenance of leaked files.

Separately, the local government examination controversy continues generating accusations about corruption and senior involvement. Mr Sondhi is preparing his own campaign against “grey capital”. Thus, several politically damaging issues are arriving together.

For Mr Anutin, however, Sunday’s approach was openly combative. He ridiculed suggestions that Bhumjaithai had orchestrated the Senate process. He accused People’s Party figures of manufacturing links. Furthermore, he told them to show whatever additional evidence they claimed to possess.

Anutin laughs off government risk as Senate leaks, exam corruption and Sondhi pressure now converge

The coming week now carries two immediate political tests. Mr Sondhi will set out his plans on Monday, September 7. One week later, the Election Commission is scheduled to decide the Senate case.

Until then, the competing investigation findings remain unresolved. One process recommended prosecution of 229 people, including 138 serving senators. Another process recommended no action. Meanwhile, confidential case material continues fuelling the political fight.

Mr Anutin insists Bhumjaithai stayed outside the Senate selection. He says the party had formally ordered members to do exactly that. Moreover, he rejects any claim that the case threatens his government.

The People’s Party intends to continue examining the purported connections. Mr Sondhi, meanwhile, is preparing pressure outside parliament. On another front, corruption allegations surrounding local government examinations remain unresolved.

Asked whether opposition politicians should continue revealing whatever connections they believed they had found, Mr Anutin did not hesitate.

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Joseph Anthony is an expat from Ireland who has lived in Thailand for the last decade. He has worked extensively in the media including editorial positions in Ireland and Thailand. He is focused on economic and business stories in Thailand as well as the expat lifestyle.

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2026年9月7日凌晨12:43

在生活、媒体、政治、泰国

随着腐败指控、参议院选举争议和街头抗议的威胁交织，总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔正面临日益扩大的政治风暴。资深活动家颂迪·林通库尔正准备发起新一轮反对“灰色资本”的运动，而公众的不信任感也在加深。与此同时，选举委员会必须在9月14日就爆炸性的参议院串谋案作出裁决，此前两个委员会得出了截然相反的结论。该争议涉及229人，其中包括138名现任参议员，而泄露的调查文件则助长了反对派的攻击。此外，围绕地方政府招聘考试的严重指控正将高级政治人物和部长们卷入另一场重大腐败丑闻，公众的耐心也已接近极限。

总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔面临参议院风暴，颂迪·林通库尔威胁要举行抗议活动。选举委员会必须对229人做出裁决，因为考试舞弊指控暗示部长级官员也负有责任。（来源：Matichon）

周日，总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔驳斥了围绕腐败和有争议的 2024 年参议院选举而愈演愈烈的政治风暴。

与此同时，资深活动家颂迪·林通库威胁要再次发起街头抗议，反对泰自豪党领导的政府。他的介入正值公众对几起重大腐败丑闻日益不满之际。其中最紧迫的是，选举委员会将于9月14日就参议院涉嫌串谋一事做出关键决定。

与此同时，围绕地方政府招聘考试的严重指控仍在持续发酵。这些指控包括一些高级政治人物和部长涉嫌参与其中。这一丑闻已成为政府面临的又一重大难题。与此同时，桑迪先生正准备发起一场明确针对“灰色资本”的运动。

阿努廷驳斥参议院串谋指控，与此同时，选举委员会的调查结果加剧了政治压力。

在此背景下，阿努廷先生周日并未表现出丝毫惊慌。当被问及参议院事件是否会动摇其政府时，他反而一笑置之。他坚决否认泰自豪党参与了参议院选举舞弊。此外，他还抨击人民党继续追查所谓的关联。

泰国参议院的争议源于2024年选举上议院议员时采用的非同寻常的选举程序。调查人员调查了有关一个有组织的网络串通操纵选举结果的指控。随后，一个调查委员会建议对229人采取行动，其中包括138名现任参议员和91名政治人物及其他人士。

值得注意的是，第一次调查是由第26号委员会负责的，该委员会成员包括特别调查部门人员和选举委员会任命的官员。该委员会建议对所有接受调查的229人提起诉讼。然而，后来的一个委员会却得出了截然不同的结论。

第36委员会随后建议不对受调查者采取任何行动。因此，两项调查程序得出了截然相反的结果。一项调查寻求对200多人提起诉讼，而另一项调查则建议对受调查者予以免责。

参议院文件泄露事件引发更大范围的政治争议，选举委员会将于9月14日面临最终裁决。

因此，各方关注的焦点日益转向选举委员会本身。其最终决定定于9月14日星期一公布。在此之前，反对派政客继续援引调查档案中的信息。然而，政府官员则要求解释这些机密材料是如何获得的。

与此同时，这场争议已超越了最初的勾结指控。其中一个问题是参议院的选举是否受到操纵；另一个问题是所谓的“网络”背后可能存在政治联系；第三个问题是机密调查文件的泄露。这些争议共同加剧了政治对抗。

阿努廷先生于周日下午4点40分直接介入了这场冲突。他在泰自豪党总部参加完党内会议后发表了讲话。他驳斥了有关36号委员会和高级政治与选举发展课程的指控，并表示两者之间绝对没有任何联系。

“我不知道该如何回应。这之间根本没有任何联系。他们纯粹是在捏造事实。”

随后，他将矛头指向人民党议员帕里特·瓦查拉辛杜。具体来说，阿努廷先生就另一桩涉及纳平通·斯里萨邦的纠纷质问帕里特先生。纳平通先生是总理府部长。总理还提到了两人此前在广播节目中的一次交锋。

阿努廷转而抨击帕里特，否认与参议院有任何关联，并指出这是他选前党内指示的结果。

阿努廷先生认为，大多数观众已经能够判断哪位参与者说了真话。因此，他让帕里特先生先解决这个问题。然后，他指责这位反对派议员在之前的交锋中落败后，转移了攻击方向。

“因此，如果你在这个问题上输了，就不要到处发泄情绪。作为人民的代表，你必须成熟稳重。这就像输不起的人挑衅滋事，是不可接受的。”

阿努廷先生还表示，各政治团体应专注于自身职责。他指出，目前泰自豪党无权干预参议院串谋案。此外，他还表示，已在周日的党内会议上重申了这一指示。

阿努廷先生在辩护中指出，2024年参议院选举前曾发布过一项指令。该指令禁止泰自豪党成员干预参议院选举。选举过程应保持独立于政党之外。因此，该党成员被指示不要干预。

阿努廷先生表示，该指令是在参议院选举前发布的。他抱怨说，人们后来都忘记了这项指令。因此，他表示，当记者提出相关指控时，必须提及该通知。

阿努廷表示，2024年参议院的时间表排除了与2025年和2026年晚些时候成立的政府有任何联系的可能性。

总理也十分重视时间顺序。参议院选举于2024年7月举行。当时，泰自豪党是为泰党领导的联合政府的伙伴党。阿努廷先生担任副总理兼内政部长。

相比之下，他担任总理的第一届政府于 2025 年 9 月上台。他的第二届政府于 2026 年 3 月上台。因此，阿努廷先生认为，他的总理任期在时间上与参议院选举没有直接联系。

“如果你说阿努廷政府参与了参议院选举的勾结，那么我要重申，阿努廷的第一届政府于2025年9月上台，第二届政府于2026年3月上台，而参议院选举是在2024年7月举行的。因此，这个时间线根本说不通。”

然而，围绕此事的批评不仅限于其政府的决策。反对派人士也提出，与泰自豪党有关联的个人可能牵涉其中。阿努廷先生对此予以了同样坚决的否认。

“如果你说泰自豪党有人参与其中，那泰自豪党就不可能有人参与其中。”

布姆贾伊泰表示，没有成员违抗参议院命令，并坚称该党从未需要上议院的支持。

他的论点再次基于此前的党内指令。任何参与者都将违抗党魁的命令。他说，到目前为止，《泰自豪党》尚未发现任何证据表明有人违抗了党魁的命令。

“因为如果他们参与其中，就等于违抗命令，而泰自豪党从未见过有人违抗党的命令。”

阿努廷先生还表示，该党没有任何证据支持对任何党员采取行动。因此，它无法断定有人违反了他的指示。

“也没有任何证据表明泰自豪党指控或断定有人在参议院选举中违抗了党魁的命令。”

随后，他又回到了政治家和参议员各自的职责上。“很显然，我们作为议员都有各自的职责；每个人都有自己的职位和责任，”他说。

另一方面，阿努廷先生辩称，泰自豪党在政治发展方面从未需要参议院的支持。到2024年，该党已在联合政府中占据一席之地，其议员和部长们都在履行各自的职责。因此，他认为，没有任何干预的动机。

阿努廷认为，随着腐败指控和参议院透明度问题日益加剧，选举规模进一步扩大。

阿努廷先生随后回顾了泰自豪党自2019年以来的政治扩张历程。他表示，该党凭借自身强大的选举实力进入政府。随后，他列举了该党席位从50席增长到70席，再到193席的历程。他将这一增长归功于对选民的尽心服务。

“我们并没有依靠参议院来组建政府，也没有依靠参议院来帮助我们从 50 个席位增加到 70 个席位，再到 193 个席位。”

“这源于为人民服务，源于泰自豪党的努力。”

随后，他作出了核心否认。“因此，我希望你们明白，泰自豪党与此事没有任何瓜葛。”

然而，参议院的这场风波仍在持续发酵，其他腐败指控也逐渐积聚政治影响力。其中最严重的是，围绕地方政府招聘考试的质疑仍在不断。这些指控涉及多位高级官员和部长。相关材料称，此事是泰国历史上最大的腐败丑闻之一。

与此同时，公众对参议院选举程序的担忧早在最近的冲突爆发前就已出现。2025年5月，Suan Dusit民调机构对1211人进行了调查。其中，60.36%的受访者表示参议院选举过程缺乏透明度。

随着桑迪准备发起新一轮反腐败和打击灰色资本的运动，公众的不信任感日益加剧。

此外，56.73%的受访者表示对泰国政治体制缺乏信心。另有57.12%的受访者认为此次事件加剧了公众的不信任感和意识形态分歧。值得注意的是，66.15%的受访者认为参议院丑闻可能会影响政府稳定。

如今，这些担忧与选举委员会相互矛盾的调查结果相冲突。第26委员会建议对229人采取行动，而第36委员会随后却未提出任何建议。与此同时，这些调查的机密材料仍在政治圈内流传。

在此背景下，桑迪先生的再次出现带来了截然不同的压力。这位78岁的传媒大亨计划于9月7日召开大型新闻发布会，预计他将阐述新的政治动员计划。他的竞选口号是“从灰色资本手中夺回泰国”。

阿努廷先生已经驳斥了这一口号。周四，他表示泰国本就属于每一位泰国人。因此，他认为，泰国无需“收复”。尽管如此，他也承认桑迪先生依法享有示威游行的宪法权利。

桑迪先生的介入之所以举足轻重，是因为他曾活跃于泰国街头政治。他并非仅仅是政府的媒体批评者。此前，他曾参与组织群众运动，这些运动在重大的国家政治危机中发挥了核心作用。

桑迪的媒体影响力和黄衫军运动塑造了2000年代的重大政治对抗。

桑迪先生原本是一名记者，后来转行经商，一手打造了《经理人》传媒帝国。之后，他的业务拓展至报纸和广播领域，其中包括ASTV电视台。在2000年代的政治冲突中，ASTV电视台成为了一个强大的传播平台。

最初，颂迪先生是前总理他信·西那瓦的热情支持者。然而，后来两人关系破裂。到2005年，他已成为他信最激烈的政治对手之一。随后，他成为人民民主联盟的领军人物。

黄衫军运动随后席卷曼谷街头，吸引了大量民众参与。他们的示威活动加剧了2006年9月军事政变前的政治危机。那场政变将他信赶下了台。然而，颂提的运动并未就此结束。

两年后，人民民主联盟再次发起运动，反对另一届与他信关系密切的政府。冲突期间，抗议者占领了总理府。随后，他们又占领了素万那普机场和廊曼机场。这一行动造成了严重的社会混乱，并加剧了泰国的政治冲突。

桑迪在2009年躲过了一次暗杀未遂，如今随着9月份的政治日程日益紧凑，他重返政坛。

2009年4月，桑迪先生在曼谷遭遇暗杀未遂。枪手向他的车开了数十枪，他头部受重伤，但经紧急手术后幸存下来。几年后，他因证券犯罪被判入狱。

桑迪先生于2019年9月获得皇家特赦后获释。如今，他扬言要重返街头政治舞台。这一次，他的目标是阿努廷先生和泰自豪党领导的政府。

他的竞选时机恰好与参议院争议事件重合。他于9月7日宣布参选，距离选举委员会预定的决定仅剩七天。此外，他的竞选活动明确围绕腐败和“灰色资本”展开。

政治分析家贾图蓬·普罗姆潘和特普泰·森蓬也指出，9月份的政治日程异常密集。他们指出，21天内有三个重要日期。首先是桑迪先生9月7日的讲话。其次是选举委员会9月14日参议院的裁决。

最后，宪法法院定于9月28日作出裁决。该案涉及印在选票上的二维码，与参议院串谋调查无关。尽管如此，这三件政治敏感事件都发生在同一个月内。

由于参议院的调查结果和泄露的文件相互矛盾，选举委员会仍然面临巨大压力。

眼下最紧迫的机构焦点仍然是选举委员会。其调查人员在参议院案件中提出了截然相反的建议。第26委员会倾向于对所有229人采取行动。相反，第36委员会建议在其审查的案件中不予起诉。

与此同时，反对派政客继续关注这些机密调查材料。政府官员则对这些披露提出异议。他们尤其想知道，这些敏感的案件信息是如何落入政治对手手中的。

因此，阿努廷先生的回应围绕着几个独立的辩护点展开。首先，他的政府是在参议院选举后上台的。其次，泰自豪党成员被明确禁止参选。第三，他表示没有任何证据表明有任何党员无视这些禁令。

此外，他否认泰自豪党需要参议院支持的说法。他认为，该党是通过选举支持而非参议院影响力发展壮大的。因此，他表示，没有任何政治动机去干预泰自豪党的运作。

阿努廷的辩护依据是时间顺序、命令以及他关于“泰武士团”从未需要参议院的说法。

当记者问及参议院的争议是否会动摇他的政府时，阿努廷先生笑了。他再次将参议院的组建与他的总理任期分开。然后，他以曼谷的两条街道为例来解释他的观点。

“我已经回答过了。政府上台的时间，以及参议员们上台的时间，两者之间不可能有任何联系。”

他接着做了个比较。“这就好比拉玛四路和素坤逸路；你可以谈论它们，但它们永远不会相交，因为它们来自不同的时代和背景。明白吗？”

然而，反对派并未接受他的解释，而是继续调查调查中浮现出的所谓关联。与此同时，政府官员也继续质疑泄露文件的来源。

与此同时，地方政府丑闻调查仍在持续发酵，不断涌现出关于腐败和高层涉案的指控。桑迪先生正准备发起一场针对“灰色资本”的运动。因此，多个具有政治破坏性的事件同时出现。

然而，阿努廷先生周日的态度却明显带有对抗性。他嘲讽了泰自豪党操纵参议院选举程序的说法，指责人民党人士捏造证据，并要求他们拿出声称掌握的任何其他证据。

阿努廷对政府面临的风险不以为然，因为参议院泄密事件、考试舞弊和桑迪施压等问题如今交织在一起。

接下来的一周将面临两项迫在眉睫的政治考验。桑迪先生将于9月7日星期一公布他的计划。一周后，选举委员会将就参议院选举案作出裁决。

在此之前，相互矛盾的调查结果仍未得到解决。其中一项调查建议起诉229人，其中包括138名现任参议员。另一项调查则建议不采取任何行动。与此同时，案件的机密材料仍在助长这场政治斗争。

阿努廷先生坚称，泰自豪党并未参与参议院的候选人遴选。他表示，该党已正式指示党员们这样做。此外，他还否认此案会对其政府构成威胁。

人民党打算继续调查这些所谓的关联。与此同时，桑迪先生正准备在议会外施压。另一方面，围绕地方政府考试的腐败指控仍未得到解决。

当被问及反对派政治家是否应该继续披露他们认为发现的任何关联时，阿努廷先生毫不犹豫地回答。

反对派指责选举委员会周五可能在参议院选举案中试图粉饰太平。

在备受争议的参议院通俄门案预计将于8月31日作出裁决之前，政治压力不断积聚。

随着反对派拿出已存档的证据展开反击，参议院选举舞弊案的形势愈发严峻。

前首相兼民主党领袖敦促卷入参议院通俄门丑闻的政客们坦白交代。

阿披实转而积极支持反对派揭露2024年参议院选举中大规模勾结行为的努力。

参议院选举舞弊案将于8月迎来最终决战，选举委员会将做出最终决定。

阿努廷总理和泰自豪党就参议院选举指控提起诉讼，这是该党面临的新战线。

反对派和证人呼吁将参议院串谋案提交法院审理，与此同时，选举委员会正在就一起重大案件作出决定。

前官员提交警方报告，揭露2024年参议院选举背后存在巨大阴谋的新证据

强有力的视频证据让饱受争议的选举委员会在参议院勾结指控案中面临更大的压力

反对党和人民党领导人在2014年政变12周年之际抨击“蓝色政权”。

泰国国立法政大学法学学者、1992年抗议活动领导人警告称，不能排除再次发生政变的可能性。

未来几周，由于参议院串谋阴谋案引发宪法法院诉讼，政府岌岌可危。

约瑟夫·安东尼是一位来自爱尔兰的侨民，过去十年一直居住在泰国。他曾在爱尔兰和泰国的媒体行业担任过编辑职务，拥有丰富的媒体从业经验。他主要关注泰国的经济和商业新闻，以及侨民的生活方式。

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