As Macron visits Gulf, can France forge its own energy-for-security future?

President Macron’s Gulf visit aims to address rising energy prices and strengthen ties amid regional security concerns.

Bahrain's King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, right, walks alongside France's President Emmanuel Macron during a welcoming ceremony at Sakhir Air Base in Manama, Bahrain on October 20, 2026 [AFP]

President Emmanuel Macron has arrived in Bahrain during his tour of the Gulf region, as France continues to reel from a wave of violent protests.

The French leader is hoping to strengthen defence ties and secure oil and gas supplies amid major disruption to global fuel shipments arising from the US-Israel war on Iran. He has already visited Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) as part of his three-day trip. His next stop is Qatar.

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On the first day of Macron’s trip, France and Kuwait signed eight agreements and cooperation documents covering defence, artificial intelligence, investment and more.

Macron then met UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan in Abu Dhabi on Monday. The two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to advancing cooperation in energy, advanced technology and artificial intelligence (AI).

According to the French Foreign Ministry, the UAE is France’s biggest importer in the Gulf, with bilateral trade standing at 10.8 billion euros ($12.1bn) in 2025. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) [ PDF ], France supplied 18 percent of the UAE’s arms and defence imports in 2025 – the second highest after the United States, at 42 percent.

But this isn’t all about simple trade.

Andreas Krieg, a senior lecturer at King’s College London’s School of Security Studies, explained that Macron’s visit to the region is “symptomatic of a much larger geopolitical transformation”.

“We are witnessing the gradual emergence of a post-American Middle East in which Washington remains militarily powerful but increasingly struggles to exercise the political leadership it once enjoyed,” Krieg told Al Jazeera.

“Europe and the Gulf now face a remarkably similar strategic challenge. Both have become excessively dependent on American security decisions, and both are discovering that this dependence carries substantial economic and political costs.”

An urgent need for energy

Most pressing for Macron is finding solutions for strife at home.

France has been engulfed in protests and violence over a proposed government budget seeking tens of millions of euros in savings to public spending. Protesters angry about the crumbling state of French schools and planned pay freezes for public-sector workers have taken to the streets in increasingly violent protests, and authorities have imposed curfews in some cities.

More than half a million people gathered across France on Saturday as protesters demanded better education infrastructure and government steps to address the cost-of-living crisis. During weeks of protests, more than 2,500 people have been arrested, and demonstrations have descended into looting and arson in numerous locations.

A major issue is the spike in energy prices affecting all of Europe – much of it as a result of the Iran war – which has also fuelled growing public anger in France. Disruptions to the supply of refined oil products such as petrol and diesel caused by the conflict in the Strait of Hormuz have caused up to 20 percent of French petrol stations to run out of both at various times since the conflict began.

Macron’s visit to the Gulf, accompanied by senior executives from France’s two biggest energy groups, TotalEnergies and Engie, comes as oil prices hover above $100 a barrel.

What France needs most urgently, therefore, is new suppliers. Those look to have been secured.

On Tuesday, the UAE committed to supplying 100,000 tonnes (746,000 barrels) of diesel per month to France for an unspecified duration, according to Bloomberg.

Bahrain has agreed to supply 100,000 tonnes of diesel per month for an unspecified duration, while Saudi Arabia will provide 95,000 tonnes in each of October and November, via TotalEnergies.

Cooperating on Gulf defence

Besides securing oil imports, however, France is also looking to boost its own exports, particularly of its defence equipment to the Gulf region, as the country suffers from record national debt – the highest level since the immediate aftermath of World War II, analysts say.

France has already strengthened its military partnership with Saudi Arabia, which has been battling the Iran-backed Houthi group from Yemen.

Last month, Macron said France would send troops and defence systems to Saudi Arabia to help protect the Red Sea port of Yanbu, which is crucial for energy transport. Oil installations and airports in Saudi Arabia have come under attack from the Houthi group.

In late September, Macron said France would deploy what he termed “military means” to Saudi Arabia to help protect the Yanbu Red Sea oil terminal. Saudi Arabia’s East-West Pipeline, which carries oil from its eastern oilfields across the Arabian Peninsula to the Red Sea, has come under attack during the Iran conflict. It is the country’s main means of continuing to export oil while the critical Strait of Hormuz remains disrupted. But Yemen’s Houthis have also been attacking Saudi ships in the Red Sea.

Macron stated in a TV interview that “soldiers, radars, defence systems” would be sent.

While he did not give specifics about volumes, it was a move described by French newspaper Le Monde as marking “a geopolitical shift”, as defence cooperation between the two countries has previously been “discreet, ambiguous and marked by extreme caution when it came to defining it”, the newspaper noted.

Last week, France’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Pascal Confavreux, said again that “operational elements” to defend Saudi oil facilities had been put into action, without specifying which “military means” had been sent.

Meanwhile, on Monday, French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot met with his Saudi counterpart, Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, to review bilateral relations and discuss regional developments. Barrot also reaffirmed France’s solidarity with Saudi Arabia amid Houthi attacks.

Krieg assesses that France can offer Gulf states generally something that has become “increasingly valuable”: military capabilities not entirely dependent on the US.

“France can offer defence industrial cooperation, technology transfers, joint production, training and greater operational autonomy,” he said. “For countries such as the UAE and Qatar, this means progressively reducing their dependence on American weapons systems, spare parts, intelligence and political permissions.”

Involved – but not too involved

However, Krieg cautioned that the “central dilemma” for France is likely to be whether increasing its involvement in the region could draw it into the ongoing conflict.

“Consider the protection of Saudi energy infrastructure against Houthi attacks,” he said. “French air defence systems intercepting missiles would directly undermine the Houthis’ military strategy. If French forces are subsequently targeted, Paris could face pressure to retaliate. What begins as a defensive deployment could gradually become an operational commitment with much wider implications.”

Krieg explained that the same is likely to apply to naval deployments around the Strait of Hormuz, adding that “escalation in one theatre can rapidly affect another”.

France’s ties with Iran have already been strained over tit-for-tat diplomatic expulsions and political rhetoric against each other.

In July and August, France strongly condemned Iranian attacks on ships in the Strait of Hormuz.

In July, two French Embassy staff members were detained in Tehran and then declared personae non gratae. Iran’s Foreign Ministry said the diplomats had “interfered in Iran’s internal affairs under the pretext of engaging with civil society”.

In August, French Foreign Minister Barrot expelled two Iranian diplomats in retaliation.

A new regional security architecture

Speaking at the Global Security Forum in the Qatari capital, Doha, on Tuesday, US Envoy Tom Barrack said that Washington is moving away from its traditional security-for-oil relationship with the Middle East and no longer seeks to dominate the region.

“The US no longer wants to own,” said Barrack, who serves as US ambassador to Turkiye and special envoy for Syria. “The bargain is not to control, but to not leave. We’re not leaving.”

Barrack acknowledged that, following months of Iranian strikes on their infrastructure, regional partners are increasingly recognising the limits of US involvement.

Across the Middle East itself, defence partnerships have grown. In August, Saudi Arabia, Turkiye and Pakistan signed a trilateral security pact, also known as the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement. The pact has been activated amid Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia.

But there may now be an opening for other external actors – such as France – to find more of a role.

Krieg said Gulf states do not believe France will replace the US, whose military and intelligence infrastructure remains unmatched. Rather, they want a “diversified network of security partnerships”.

“France is particularly attractive because it possesses genuine expeditionary capabilities and has demonstrated a willingness to defend Gulf partners without joining Washington’s offensive campaign against Iran,” he said. “Its military presence has consequently acquired greater political significance.”

马克龙总统此次海湾之行旨在应对不断上涨的能源价格，并在地区安全形势严峻的背景下加强与各方联系。

2026年10月20日，巴林国王哈马德·本·伊萨·阿勒哈利法（右）与法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙在巴林首都麦纳麦的萨基尔空军基地举行的欢迎仪式上并肩而行。[法新社]

法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙在访问海湾地区期间抵达巴林，此时法国仍在遭受一波又一波暴力抗议活动的冲击。

法国领导人希望在美以对伊朗战争导致全球燃料运输严重中断的情况下，加强防务关系并确保石油和天然气供应。作为为期三天访问的一部分，他已经访问了科威特和阿拉伯联合酋长国（阿联酋）。他的下一站是卡塔尔。

问题 1（共 3 题）：埃及能在沙特阿拉伯对抗胡塞武装的战争中提供哪些帮助？

卡塔尔警告称，伊朗战争引发的全球能源冲击波尚未达到峰值（共3条，此为第2条）。

埃及议会推迟就向沙特阿拉伯提供军事支持的投票（共3条，此为第3条）

在马克龙访问的第一天，法国和科威特签署了八项协议和合作文件，涵盖国防、人工智能、投资等领域。

随后，马克龙于周一在阿布扎比会见了阿联酋总统谢赫·穆罕默德·本·扎耶德·阿勒纳哈扬。两位领导人重申了致力于推进在能源、先进技术和人工智能领域的合作。

据法国外交部称，阿联酋是法国在海湾地区最大的进口国，2025年双边贸易额将达到108亿欧元（121亿美元）。根据斯德哥尔摩国际和平研究所（SIPRI）[PDF]的数据，2025年法国将供应阿联酋18%的武器和国防进口，仅次于美国的42%。

但这不仅仅是简单的贸易问题。

伦敦国王学院安全研究学院高级讲师安德烈亚斯·克里格解释说，马克龙访问该地区是“更大地缘政治变革的征兆”。

克里格告诉半岛电视台：“我们正在目睹一个后美国时代的中东逐渐出现，华盛顿仍然拥有强大的军事实力，但越来越难以行使它曾经享有的政治领导权。”

“欧洲和海湾地区现在面临着极其相似的战略挑战。两者都过度依赖美国的安全决策，并且都发现这种依赖会带来巨大的经济和政治代价。”

迫切需要能源

对马克龙来说，最紧迫的任务是找到解决国内冲突的办法。

法国因一项旨在削减数千万欧元公共开支的政府预算提案而爆发抗议和暴力事件。抗议者对法国学校的破败状况以及计划冻结公共部门员工工资感到愤怒，他们走上街头，抗议活动愈演愈烈，暴力程度不断升级，当局已在部分城市实施宵禁。

周六，超过50万人聚集在法国各地，抗议者要求改善教育基础设施，并要求政府采取措施应对生活成本危机。在持续数周的抗议活动中，已有超过2500人被捕，多地示威活动演变为抢劫和纵火事件。

一个主要问题是能源价格飙升，这波及整个欧洲——其中很大一部分是伊朗战争造成的——这也加剧了法国民众日益增长的愤怒情绪。霍尔木兹海峡冲突导致汽油和柴油等精炼石油产品供应中断，自冲突爆发以来，法国多达20%的加油站曾出现过汽油和柴油断货的情况。

马克龙此次访问海湾地区，陪同他的是法国两大能源集团道达尔能源和Engie的高管。此时，油价徘徊在每桶100美元以上。

因此，法国最迫切需要的是新的供应商。而这些供应商似乎已经到位。

据彭博社报道，阿联酋周二承诺每月向法国供应 10 万吨（74.6 万桶）柴油，供应期限未定。

巴林已同意每月供应 10 万吨柴油，供应期限未定；沙特阿拉伯将通过道达尔能源公司在 10 月和 11 月各供应 9.5 万吨柴油。

在海湾防务方面开展合作

除了确保石油进口外，法国也在寻求提升自身出口，特别是向海湾地区出口国防装备，因为该国正遭受创纪录的国债——分析人士称，这是自二战结束后以来的最高水平。

法国已经加强了与沙特阿拉伯的军事伙伴关系，沙特阿拉伯一直在与伊朗支持的也门胡塞武装作战。

上个月，马克龙表示，法国将向沙特阿拉伯派遣军队和防御系统，以帮助保护红海港口延布，该港口对能源运输至关重要。沙特阿拉伯的石油设施和机场曾遭到胡塞武装的袭击。

9月下旬，马克龙表示，法国将向沙特阿拉伯部署他所谓的“军事手段”，以帮助保护延布红海石油码头。沙特阿拉伯的东西输油管道将石油从其东部油田输送到阿拉伯半岛，横跨阿拉伯半岛，最终抵达红海。在伊朗冲突期间，这条管道遭到袭击。由于至关重要的霍尔木兹海峡仍然中断，这条管道是沙特阿拉伯继续出口石油的主要途径。此外，也门胡塞武装也在红海袭击沙特船只。

马克龙在一次电视采访中表示，将会派遣“士兵、雷达、防御系统”。

虽然他没有透露具体的数量，但法国《世界报》将此举描述为“地缘政治的转变”，因为该报指出，两国之间的防务合作此前一直“谨慎、含糊，并且在定义方面极其小心”。

上周，法国外交部发言人帕斯卡尔·孔法弗勒再次表示，为保卫沙特石油设施而部署的“行动力量”已经投入使用，但没有具体说明派遣了哪些“军事手段”。

与此同时，周一，法国外长让-诺埃尔·巴罗与沙特阿拉伯外长费萨尔·本·法尔汉·阿勒沙特亲王会晤，回顾双边关系并讨论地区局势。巴罗还重申了法国在胡塞武装袭击事件中与沙特阿拉伯的团结一致。

克里格评估认为，法国可以为海湾国家提供一些“越来越有价值”的东西：不完全依赖美国的军事能力。

他说：“法国可以提供国防工业合作、技术转让、联合生产、培训和更大的作战自主权。对于阿联酋和卡塔尔等国而言，这意味着逐步减少对美国武器系统、零部件、情报和政治许可的依赖。”

参与其中——但又不至于过度参与

然而，克里格警告说，法国面临的“核心困境”可能是，增加在该地区的参与是否会将其卷入正在进行的冲突。

“想想如何保护沙特能源基础设施免受胡塞武装的袭击，”他说。“法国防空系统拦截导弹将直接破坏胡塞武装的军事战略。如果法国军队随后成为袭击目标，巴黎可能会面临报复的压力。最初的防御性部署可能会逐渐演变成一项影响更为广泛的作战行动。”

克里格解释说，同样的情况也可能适用于霍尔木兹海峡周围的海军部署，并补充说，“一个战区的局势升级可能会迅速影响到另一个战区”。

由于双方互相进行外交驱逐和政治攻击，法国与伊朗的关系已经十分紧张。

7月和8月，法国强烈谴责伊朗对霍尔木兹海峡船只的袭击。

7月，两名法国驻伊朗大使馆工作人员在德黑兰被拘留，随后被宣布为不受欢迎的人。伊朗外交部称，这两名外交官“以参与民间社会活动为借口干涉伊朗内政”。

8月，法国外交部长巴罗驱逐了两名伊朗外交官以示报复。

新的区域安全架构

美国特使汤姆·巴拉克周二在卡塔尔首都多哈举行的全球安全论坛上发表讲话时表示，华盛顿正在摆脱与中东传统的以安全换取石油的关系，不再寻求主导该地区。

“美国不再想拥有控制权，”巴拉克说道，他是美国驻土耳其大使兼叙利亚问题特使。“我们达成的协议不是控制，而是不撤离。我们不会撤离。”

巴拉克承认，在伊朗对其基础设施进行数月袭击之后，地区伙伴越来越认识到美国介入的局限性。

在中东地区，防务伙伴关系日益密切。今年8月，沙特阿拉伯、土耳其和巴基斯坦签署了三方安全协议，即《麦加联合防务协议》。该协议是在胡塞武装袭击沙特阿拉伯的背景下启动的。

但现在或许为其他外部参与者（例如法国）提供了发挥更大作用的机会。

克里格表示，海湾国家并不认为法国会取代美国，因为美国的军事和情报基础设施仍然无可匹敌。相反，他们想要的是一个“多元化的安全伙伴关系网络”。

他说：“法国尤其具有吸引力，因为它拥有真正的远征能力，并且已经展现出在不加入华盛顿对伊朗的进攻行动的情况下保卫海湾伙伴国的意愿。因此，其军事存在具有了更大的政治意义。”