What exactly Democrats have pledged to do if they win in the midterms

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If Democrats can win control of either the House or the Senate, they will have seized some control of Washington back from President Donald Trump and Republicans.

They will have powerful new tools to conduct oversight and investigate Trump’s government ; a seat at the table when it comes to government spending; and potentially a mandate to undo some of the changes he has imposed or push for AI regulation he has opposed.

While House Democrats may pass several partisan bills as a show of their priorities, there are limits to what the caucus would actually be able to accomplish. And maintaining unity and resolve would take work, especially since Trump, barred by the Constitution from seeking a third term , might not be willing to work with Democrats to keep the government functioning.

“What happens is I veto everything, and then the Democrats come and they want to make a deal,” Trump said last week of the prospect of working with a Democratic-majority Congress.

Any measures that the Democrats really want to become law would likely have to be part of must-pass legislation, such as the annual appropriations bills. And that would take negotiating with Republicans, at least in the Senate, since the Democrats are not expected to gain enough seats in that chamber to approve bills without GOP votes.

Here’s a look at some of the power Democrats could gain with a House or Senate majority, and what they would be able to do with it.

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It was the affordability crisis and inflation that turned voters against President Joe Biden, and it may end up being inflation and affordability that turn voters against Trump . Democrats are promising a new focus on affordability, but there may be little they can do while Trump is president. There’s little chance they could gain the kind of majority that would allow them to overturn his veto. That means effort to pare back Trump’s tariffs or end his war on Iran would require help from Republicans.

The top Democrat in the House, Hakeem Jeffries, has said his party is creating working groups to explore how to bring down prices in five areas: housing , healthcare , caregiving, gas and utilities , and groceries and goods.

Jeffries has cited three immediate goals:

► Ending the war to bring down energy prices .

► Undoing cuts to Medicaid in the Republican tax and spending cuts bill, and renewing Obamacare’s enhanced premium subsidies to address health care costs…

► Repeal Trump’s tariffs to bring down the costs of goods…

But again, those things would require unlikely buy-in from Trump.

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Democrats’ main power point would be over the spending of taxpayer dollars, which means their leverage to force Trump to do things would be through the threat of taking away money. Trump will need legislation from Congress in order to keep the government running, although he has already overseen multiple protracted and unpopular lapses in funding during his presidencies.

Republicans sought to inoculate his immigration policy from Democrats by approving funding for the Department of Homeland Security to get through his term. Democrats could try to undo that funding, but they will likely lack votes to override Trump’s veto and they may have little control over how his DHS, flush with funding, goes about its business.

Another expected clash will be over the debt ceiling. Republicans raised the debt ceiling by $5 trillion when they passed Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act — yes, the tax cuts bill added a lot of money to the national debt. It’s expected that the debt ceiling will have to be raised again in 2027.

Look for Democrats to use their power over funding to stall or stop Trump’s DC projects, which he argues are necessary to beautify the capital, but which Democrats see as vanity projects. This is probably why Trump’s administration is trying to move quickly on things like the triumphal arch and the championship-level golf course he wants to use taxpayer money to build.

But Democrats also would have to deal with the reality that reversing or modifying some of the sweeping cuts in the “big, beautiful bill” will cost a lot of money , a daunting hurdle even for many in the caucus at a time when the national debt has topped $40 trillion .

Continuing the enhanced premium subsidies to Affordable Care Act enrollees has been a top priority for Democrats for the past two years. They shut down the government for a record 43 days last fall in an effort to pressure GOP leaders to extend the more generous assistance, which lapsed at the end of 2025.

The enhanced subsidies’ expiration sent premium payments soaring 58% this year, and several million people have dropped their coverage .

But the cost alone would be daunting — a permanent extension could cost $350 billion over a decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

As for reversing the historic Medicaid cuts in the GOP’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, Democrats would have to decide which of the multiple measures to target. The first-ever federal work requirement is expected to lead to the largest loss of coverage, but it would be a big lift to remove the mandate, which is set to kick in on January 1 in most states. Democrats might seek to delay or soften some of the provisions in the law and regulations, such as those related to self-attestation, medical frailty and provider taxes.

That’s not to say that Democrats would just sit back as the Medicaid cuts take effect. They are expected to actively monitor the rollout of the provisions and publicize their impact on enrollees and other Americans, hospitals , and states, among others.

It’s also likely that they would push the Trump administration for more details on its “ Most Favored Nation ” deals with drugmakers. Trump would like them codified into law , but there are a lot of questions about the details of the agreements and whether they have actually driven down costs for patients.

While several progressive Democratic candidates have pushed for Medicare for All on the campaign trail, don’t expect the caucus to move forward on an expansion of Medicare to more Americans in the coming Congress.

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Oversight is likely to be one of the most immediate and visible consequences of any Democratic takeover of either the House or the Senate. With the majority comes the power to call hearings and subpoena witnesses.

Expect Democrats to launch inquiries into Elon Musk , for starters. Many questions remain about the so-called Department of Government Efficiency he launched with Trump’s blessing. Contracts awarded to Musk’s companies could also be scrutinized.

Trump’s efforts to effectively shut down agencies created by Congress like USAID , the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and the Department of Education will likely get their first real scrutiny by lawmakers.

So will the actions of Trump’s children to make money during their father’s presidency. Trump has made more than $1 billion on crypto at a time when he could be overseeing its regulation.

His most controversial policies, like the Iran war, mass deportation and tariffs, will be put under the microscope.

Cabinet members like Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin and Attorney General Todd Blanche will also need to make more time on their calendars for public hearings and their agencies will face more scrutiny from congressional committees.

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There will be bipartisan support for ending the war, but forcing Trump to abandon the project will be complicated. The War Powers Act seemingly requires congressional approval for prolonged military action, but Trump has found ways around those provisions. Plus, it would take 67 votes — which would mean help from Republicans — to override Trump’s veto. Republicans will be under immense pressure to pass a massive war funding bill in the lame duck period after the election but before new lawmakers take office in January. But the question of Pentagon funding and whether spending bills can be used to control war policy will become a major issue. If the war continues to be unpopular, pressure from Congress and the public will be hard for Trump to continue to ignore.

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In an effort to blunt the Republicans’ historic cuts to food stamps , Democrats are expected to target a provision of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that will require states to shoulder a portion of the benefit costs if they have high rates of payment errors. Currently, the federal government covers the entire tab, but that will change next October for many states.

Democrats have already been pushing for a two-year delay to this measure as part of the Farm Bill. The Senate Agriculture Committee has passed a one-year delay but included an increase in the penalty rate for states with the highest error rate, which Democrats oppose. It’s unclear whether the Farm Bill will become law before this Congress’ term ends at the end of December.

The error rate provision has prompted some states to tighten their application and renewal processes and to add more paperwork requirements. That has contributed to more than 5.5 million people losing benefits since Trump signed the bill into law in July 2025, according to the Food Research & Action Center.

Still, the measure could take a big bite out of state budgets next year at a time when many aren’t flush with funds. That could prompt states to take even more drastic actions, which could lead to more coverage losses.

Democrats will seek to draw a contrast between themselves and Republicans, who reduced the amount of federal loans graduate students and parents can take out and made student loan repayment plans less generous for many borrowers, said Jon Fansmith, senior vice president for government relations at the American Council on Education.

That might include forcing congressional Republicans to take tough votes to keep the stricter rules or requiring Trump to veto the package.

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Meanwhile, they may try to address a controversial Department of Education rule that subjects nurses, physician assistants, physical therapists and certain other healthcare professionals to lower loan limits than doctors. There may be bipartisan support to change that rule, considering the shortage of healthcare professionals in the US.

Democrats could also hold oversight hearings on the Trump administration’s efforts to dismantle the Department of Education and shift its responsibilities to other agencies. They would likely look into whether these moves are helping or hurting students and their educations.

Don’t expect Democrats to advance any serious measures in the next year to address the looming insolvency of the Social Security and Medicare trust funds, which are projected to be drained in the early 2030s. Neither party is expected to tackle this complex and sensitive issue until closer to the deadline.

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Democrats may float bills that seek to shore up the programs’ fiscal health to make it clear what their fixes would entail. They generally support lifting the income threshold on Social Security payroll taxes that would subject more of higher earners’ pay to the levy. Some would also expand benefits, such as making the annual cost-of-living adjustment more generous or increasing the minimum monthly payment.

Addressing Medicare’s financial problems will be more complicated. Democrats have supported expanding benefits, such as adding dental, vision and hearing coverage. They have also looked at ways to save the program money, such as rein in reimbursements for Medicare Advantage insurers — though not all of those would help the Medicare Part A trust fund.

Jeffries came under some scrutiny from Democrats when he met this year with Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner about areas where the two sides could work together. The two talked about housing and criminal justice reform. Housing in particular could be an area where Democrats and Republicans negotiate.

Trump himself has also talked with Democratic New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani about housing and infrastructure projects. During his first term, Trump’s major bipartisan achievement was passing the First Step Act, an effort that brought together Democrats and Republicans in the months after voters gave control of the House back to Democrats during Trump’s first term midterm election.

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如果民主党人能够赢得众议院或参议院的控制权，他们就将从唐纳德·特朗普总统和共和党人手中夺回对华盛顿的部分控制权。

他们将拥有强大的新工具来监督和调查特朗普政府；在政府支出方面拥有一席之地；并且有可能获得授权来撤销他强加的一些变革，或者推动他所反对的人工智能监管。

尽管众议院民主党人可能会通过一些党派法案来表明他们的优先事项，但该党团实际能够取得的成就仍然有限。而且，维持团结和决心需要付出努力，尤其是在特朗普因宪法规定不得寻求第三个任期的情况下，他可能并不愿意与民主党人合作以维持政府正常运转。

“结果就是我否决一切，然后民主党人就来想达成协议，”特朗普上周谈到与民主党占多数的国会合作的前景时说道。

民主党人真正希望通过的任何法案，都可能需要纳入必须通过的立法程序，例如年度拨款法案。而这至少需要在参议院与共和党人进行谈判，因为预计民主党人无法在参议院获得足够的席位，从而在没有共和党人投票的情况下通过法案。

下面我们来看看民主党人如果获得众议院或参议院多数席位，将会获得哪些权力，以及他们可以利用这些权力做些什么。

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民主党人对中期选举的期望是否过高？案例分析

正是经济负担能力危机和通货膨胀导致选民反对乔·拜登总统，而最终可能也是通货膨胀和经济负担能力问题导致选民反对特朗普。民主党承诺将更加关注经济负担能力问题，但在特朗普担任总统期间，他们可能无能为力。他们几乎不可能获得足以推翻特朗普否决权的多数席位。这意味着，任何削减特朗普关税或结束其对伊朗战争的努力都需要共和党的支持。

众议院民主党领袖哈基姆·杰弗里斯表示，他的政党正在组建工作组，探讨如何降低五个领域的物价：住房、医疗保健、护理、天然气和公用事业以及食品杂货。

杰弗里斯提出了三个近期目标：

►结束战争以降低能源价格。

► 取消共和党税收和支出削减法案中对医疗补助计划的削减，并恢复奥巴马医改中提高的保费补贴以应对医疗保健成本……

► 取消特朗普的关税以降低商品成本……

但话说回来，这些事情不太可能得到特朗普的支持。

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民主党的主要筹码在于纳税人资金的使用，这意味着他们迫使特朗普采取行动的手段将是威胁削减资金。特朗普需要国会立法才能维持政府运转，尽管在他执政期间，他已经多次出现旷日持久且不得人心的资金短缺。

共和党人试图通过批准国土安全部拨款来保护特朗普的移民政策免受民主党人的影响，以确保其能够顺利完成任期。民主党人或许会试图撤销这项拨款，但他们可能缺乏足够的票数来推翻特朗普的否决，而且对于资金充裕的国土安全部如何运作，他们也难以施加任何影响。

另一场预计的冲突将围绕债务上限展开。共和党在通过特朗普的《一项宏伟法案》（One Big Beautiful Bill Act）时，将债务上限提高了5万亿美元——没错，这项减税法案确实大幅增加了国家债务。预计债务上限将在2027年再次提高。

预计民主党人会利用其对资金的控制权来阻挠或阻止特朗普在华盛顿特区的项目。特朗普声称这些项目对于美化首都至关重要，但民主党人则认为这些项目只是为了面子工程。这或许可以解释为什么特朗普政府急于推进诸如凯旋门和他想用纳税人的钱建造的锦标赛级高尔夫球场等项目。

但民主党人也必须面对这样一个现实：要推翻或修改“宏伟法案”中的一些全面削减措施，需要花费大量资金，即使对于党团会议中的许多人来说，这也是一个令人望而生畏的障碍，尤其是在国家债务超过 40 万亿美元的情况下。

过去两年，民主党人一直将继续向《平价医疗法案》参保者提供更高的保费补贴作为首要任务。去年秋天，他们曾创纪录地关闭政府43天，试图以此向共和党领导人施压，要求他们延长这项将于2025年底到期的更慷慨的援助计划。

由于加强补贴到期，今年的保费上涨了 58%，数百万人放弃了医疗保险。

但单是成本就令人望而却步——据国会预算办公室称，永久延期十年可能耗资 3500 亿美元。

至于如何扭转共和党“一项宏伟法案”（One Big Beautiful Bill Act）中对医疗补助计划（Medicaid）的历史性削减，民主党人必须决定针对其中的哪一项措施。首创的联邦工作要求预计将导致最大的医保覆盖范围缩减，但取消这项将于1月1日在大多数州生效的强制性规定并非易事。民主党人可能会寻求推迟或放宽该法案及相关法规中的某些条款，例如与自我声明、医疗脆弱性和医疗服务提供者税收相关的条款。

但这并不意味着民主党人会在医疗补助削减措施生效后袖手旁观。预计他们会积极监督这些措施的实施，并公开其对参保人和其他美国民众、医院以及各州等各方的影响。

他们很可能还会敦促特朗普政府提供更多关于其与制药商达成的“最惠国待遇”协议的细节。特朗普希望将这些协议写入法律，但关于协议的细节以及它们是否真正降低了患者的用药成本，仍然存在诸多疑问。

虽然一些进步派民主党候选人在竞选过程中大力推动全民医保，但不要指望民主党党团会在即将到来的国会中推进将医保覆盖范围扩大到更多美国人的进程。

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民主党一旦掌控众议院或参议院，最直接、最显著的后果之一很可能就是加强监督。掌握多数席位就意味着拥有召开听证会和传唤证人的权力。

预计民主党人将首先对埃隆·马斯克展开调查。关于他经特朗普批准成立的所谓“政府效率部”，仍有许多疑问。授予马斯克旗下公司的合同也可能受到审查。

特朗普试图有效地关闭国会设立的机构，例如美国国际开发署、消费者金融保护局和教育部，这些举措很可能会首次受到立法者的真正审查。

特朗普的子女们在其父担任总统期间的敛财行为也将受到关注。特朗普本应负责监管加密货币，但他却在加密货币领域赚取了超过10亿美元。

他最具争议的政策，如伊朗战争、大规模驱逐出境和关税，都将受到严格审查。

国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯、商务部长霍华德·卢特尼克、内政部长道格·伯古姆、国土安全部长马克韦恩·穆林和司法部长托德·布兰奇等内阁成员也需要在日程安排中抽出更多时间参加公开听证会，他们的机构也将面临国会委员会的更多审查。

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结束战争会得到两党支持，但要迫使特朗普放弃这项计划并非易事。《战争权力法》表面上要求国会批准才能发动长期军事行动，但特朗普已经找到了规避这些规定的办法。此外，推翻特朗普的否决需要67票——这意味着需要共和党的支持。共和党人将面临巨大的压力，需要在选举后的跛脚鸭时期，也就是新议员明年1月就职之前，通过一项大规模的战争拨款法案。但五角大楼的拨款问题，以及支出法案是否可以用来控制战争政策，将成为一个关键问题。如果这场战争持续不得人心，来自国会和公众的压力将难以让特朗普继续置之不理。

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为了遏制共和党对食品券计划的历史性削减，民主党预计将重点攻击《一项宏伟法案》（One Big Beautiful Bill Act）中的一项条款。该条款要求，如果各州支付错误率过高，则必须承担一部分福利成本。目前，联邦政府承担全部费用，但这种情况将在明年10月对许多州产生改变。

作为农业法案的一部分，民主党人一直在推动将这项措施推迟两年实施。参议院农业委员会已通过一项推迟一年的方案，但该方案提高了错误率最高的州的罚款率，民主党人对此表示反对。目前尚不清楚农业法案能否在本届国会任期于12月底结束前获得通过。

由于错误率条款的存在，一些州收紧了申请和续期流程，并增加了文件要求。据食品研究与行动中心称，自特朗普于2025年7月签署该法案以来，已有超过550万人因此失去了福利。

然而，这项措施可能会在明年大幅削减各州的预算，而此时许多州的财政状况并不宽裕。这可能会促使各州采取更加激烈的措施，从而导致更多人失去医疗保险。

美国教育委员会政府关系高级副总裁乔恩·范史密斯表示，民主党人将试图与共和党人形成对比，共和党人减少了研究生和家长可以获得的联邦贷款金额，并使许多借款人的学生贷款偿还计划变得不那么优惠。

这可能包括迫使国会共和党人进行艰难的投票以维持更严格的规则，或者要求特朗普否决该方案。

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与此同时，他们可能会尝试解决一项备受争议的教育部规定，该规定对护士、医师助理、理疗师和其他一些医疗保健专业人员的贷款限额低于医生。考虑到美国医疗保健专业人员短缺的问题，修改这项规定或许能获得两党支持。

民主党人还可以就特朗普政府削弱教育部并将其职责转移到其他机构的举措举行监督听证会。他们可能会调查这些举措究竟是在帮助学生及其教育，还是在损害学生的教育。

不要指望民主党人在未来一年内会采取任何切实措施来解决社会保障和医疗保险信托基金即将破产的问题，预计这些基金将在2030年代初耗尽。预计两党都不会在最后期限临近之前着手处理这个复杂而敏感的问题。

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除非国会采取行动，否则社会保障退休信托基金将于2032年耗尽。

民主党人可能会提出一些法案，旨在改善这些项目的财政状况，并明确说明他们的改革措施将包含哪些内容。他们普遍支持提高社会保障工资税的收入门槛，这将使更多高收入者的收入需要缴纳该税。一些民主党人还建议扩大福利范围，例如提高年度生活成本调整幅度或增加每月最低支付额。

解决联邦医疗保险（Medicare）的财务问题将更加复杂。民主党人支持扩大福利范围，例如增加牙科、视力和听力方面的保障。他们也一直在寻求为该项目节省资金的方法，例如限制对联邦医疗保险优势计划（Medicare Advantage）保险公司的报销——尽管并非所有这些措施都能帮助改善联邦医疗保险A部分信托基金的状况。

杰弗里斯今年与特朗普的女婿贾里德·库什纳会面，讨论双方可以合作的领域，此举招致了一些民主党人的质疑。两人讨论了住房和刑事司法改革。住房问题尤其可能成为民主党和共和党进行谈判的领域。

特朗普本人也曾与纽约市民主党籍市长佐兰·马姆达尼讨论过住房和基础设施项目。在他第一任期内，特朗普最重要的两党合作成就是推动通过了《第一步法案》。该法案促成了民主党和共和党在特朗普第一任期中期选举后几个月的合作，当时选民将众议院的控制权重新交还给了民主党。