Kyrgyzstan hosts pivotal SCO summit amid global geopolitical shifts

Kyrgyzstan balances ties with global powers while leveraging geography to secure economic and political opportunities.

SCO summit: China, Russia and Iran call for greater multilateral cooperation

Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan – It was a round table of some of the most influential men in the world. Representing Russia, China, India, Iran, Pakistan – and when they extended to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Plus – Turkiye, as well as the United Nations Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres. Gathered here in Kyrgyzstan were countries at the centre of some of the world’s biggest geopolitical tensions.

What brings them together is not necessarily agreement on everything. It is the space to pursue their interests outside a Western-led framework. Moscow sees that space as evidence of a changing world.

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“Over the 25 years since its inception, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation has evolved into one of the independent and influential centres of the emerging multipolar world,” Russian President Vladimir Putin told the summit.

The organisation, he said, had grown from six founding members in 2001 into what he described as the world’s largest regional association.

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation leaders at their summit in Bishkek, September 1, 2026. [Vyacheslav Prokofyev/AFP] (AFP)

Kyrgyzstan is a small, mountainous, landlocked country with Russia to the north and China next door. The calculation is more immediate: how do you balance between giants?

As Europe and the United States are increasingly looking towards Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan needs to balance relations with all of them.

Shairbek Dzhuraev, president of the Crossroads Central Asia think tank, said the timing of the summit is particularly important.

“The members in the room are precisely heavyweights that are directly involved in key geopolitical conflicts of the day,” he said.

That balancing act is not new. Since independence in 1991, Central Asian states have largely operated through what is known as a multi-vector foreign policy.

Bishkek – like other Central Asian nations – operates by keeping Russia close and building ties with China, while keeping open doors to Europe and maintaining healthy relations with Washington.

For Kyrgyzstan, it is less about choosing sides than keeping options open, underscored by its geography. Being landlocked means dependence on transport corridors and being mountainous makes infrastructure more difficult. Dependence on imported energy and external markets leaves the economy exposed to shocks beyond its borders.

“The biggest weakness of Kyrgyzstan, geopolitically and geographically, is the dependence in terms of transport routes, in terms of energy, in terms of economic relationships”, Dzhuraev puts it bluntly.

So diversification becomes more than an economic ambition. Kyrgyzstan, being one of the smaller members, cannot dictate the SCO’s agenda. But it helped to shape the language.

For decades, Central Asia was viewed largely through the prism of the powers surrounding it. But the wars in the region and beyond have changed that – Russia is under sanctions, so is Iran, China is looking west, Europe is looking east. Suddenly the geography has acquired new value with highways, railways, pipelines, trade corridors, power networks and the periphery is becoming a strategically important passageway. Dzhuraev said: “Kyrgyzstan wanted the summit declaration to recognise that transformation, Central Asia’s movement into the centre stage of international politics”.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is increasingly seen as a counterweight to US influence — a grouping through which China and Russia can advance a different vision of the global order. But the SCO is too diverse for a simple East-versus-West confrontation. That description comes with a qualification that the SCO is not a unified anti-American bloc.

Its members have competing interests, different relationships with Washington and, in some cases, deep disagreements with one another. The question is not whether the SCO rejects the West, it is whether it can resist being defined entirely in opposition to it.

Iran brings that to the centre stage – where geopolitical theory meets a much more immediate crisis. Tehran and Washington have returned to confrontation after more than a month of relative calm. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian used the SCO summit to put the diplomatic question directly on the table.

“I state explicitly that if the United States returns to its commitments under the aforementioned memorandum of understanding, the Islamic Republic of Iran will immediately take reciprocal action,” he said.

The Islamabad MoU signed in June collapsed, with Tehran and Washington blaming each other for violating its terms. Iran’s Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, also called on Washington to return to what its president signed under the MoU. “In that case, everything can be put back on the right track,” he said.

For the SCO, however, Iran is not simply a diplomatic issue – it is an economic one. Washington has renewed sanctions on Tehran and expanded the threat of penalties for those doing business with Iran. For Central Asia, that matters, particularly for countries whose economies are deeply intertwined with Russia and increasingly connected to Chinese trade networks. Dzhuraev is sceptical whether countries such as Kyrgyzstan comply fully with sanctions, “The declaration will most likely not match the reality,” he said. “China and other countries have already rejected what they describe as unilateral sanctions.”

The reality is that sanctions can hurt, as they have hurt Iran and Russia. Not as intended for economic collapse, but they brought pain for the masses and put a spanner in their economies. But enforcement across a region built around cross-border trade is another matter. For Central Asian economies, complete compliance is difficult because the economic relationships are too dense, which is quite different from Western compliance. Both with Iran and Russia, transport and trade links have been growing steadily, so countries are unlikely to simply switch them off overnight.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, right, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian during their meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kyrgyzstan, Tuesday, Sept. 1, 2026. (Vyacheslav Prokofyev/Sputnik/Kremlin Pool Photo via AP)

That makes the SCO summit an important political moment.

Not necessarily because its members can defeat the sanctions regime, but because they can collectively signal where they stand on unilateral pressure.

When you speak to delegates from the global south, there is also a broader message: that the SCO is becoming a forum where countries that do not necessarily agree on everything can nevertheless agree on one principle: they want room to manoeuvre.

Putin calls that the emergence of a multipolar world, Pezeshkian is using the forum to keep diplomacy with Washington alive on Iran’s terms, China is defending its economic relationships, India is pursuing its own strategic interests, and Kyrgyzstan is trying to make sure none of these relationships closes the door to another.

But there is a second question confronting Kyrgyzstan — and it is not sitting around the summit table. How much of its rise belongs to Kyrgyzstan itself?

As transit trade has risen, the economy has been growing rapidly, wages have increased, construction has accelerated and exports have increased.

There is visible momentum in Bishkek, with new roads and buildings appearing to fill the empty spaces. Extraordinary circumstances have generated a lot, such as the war in Ukraine, which has altered regional trade and expanded Chinese investment. When trade routes shifted, money and demand moved across borders. The government is proud that much of the recent development has been undertaken without the external borrowing that characterised earlier periods. But buildings alone do not create a productive economy. External momentum can be a dangerous foundation for long-term growth, as Dzhuraev points out. “Productivity is growing. Exports are rising. More goods are being produced domestically. But much of the momentum remains connected to external factors — particularly the Russia-Ukraine war and Chinese investment. One of the biggest drivers of poverty reduction has been rising salaries.”

The harder question is what comes next? Where are the productive sectors that will sustain those incomes? Agriculture could be an obvious answer as Kyrgyzstan is an agricultural country. But glaciers are melting and climate change is having an impact. Plus, its long-term capacity to generate higher-value growth remains uncertain. That may ultimately be the more important story behind this summit. Not the speeches, the flags, nor the declaration.

Kyrgyzstan wants to convert geography into leverage and its vulnerabilities into options. But the wider questions remain, whether Central Asia can move from being the space between Russia, China, Iran and Europe to becoming a centre of its own? As well as whether today’s economic growth can survive when the external forces driving it inevitably change?

Kyrgyzstan finds itself at the centre of a changing region that brings opportunity but also pressure. Between the giants, keeping every door open may be the most important strategy of all.

吉尔吉斯斯坦在与全球大国保持平衡关系的同时，利用其地理优势来获取经济和政治机遇。

上海合作组织峰会：中国、俄罗斯和伊朗呼吁加强多边合作

吉尔吉斯斯坦比什凯克——这是一场汇聚全球最具影响力人物的圆桌会议。与会者包括俄罗斯、中国、印度、伊朗、巴基斯坦的代表，以及上海合作组织+的代表——土耳其，还有联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯。齐聚吉尔吉斯斯坦的，正是那些处于全球最严峻地缘政治紧张局势中心的国家。

将他们聚集在一起的，并非是所有问题上的共识，而是他们能够在西方主导的框架之外追求自身利益的空间。莫斯科将这种空间视为世界正在发生变化的标志。

欧盟或欧亚大陆：普京为何与亚美尼亚总理发生争执

（共3条）随着美国加大对德黑兰的压力，中国对伊朗的支持显露出其局限性。

上海合作组织谴责对伊朗的袭击和制裁：比什凯克峰会要点（共3项）

“自成立以来的25年间，上海合作组织已发展成为新兴多极世界中独立且有影响力的中心之一，”俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京在峰会上表示。

他说，该组织从 2001 年的 6 名创始成员发展成为他所说的世界上最大的区域性协会。

2026年9月1日，上海合作组织领导人在比什凯克举行峰会。[维亚切斯拉夫·普罗科菲耶夫/法新社]（法新社）

吉尔吉斯斯坦是一个面积不大、多山的内陆国家，北邻俄罗斯，与中国接壤。它面临的问题更为直接：如何在这些大国之间保持平衡？

随着欧洲和美国越来越关注中亚，吉尔吉斯斯坦需要平衡与所有相关方的关系。

中亚十字路口智库主席沙伊尔别克·朱拉耶夫表示，此次峰会的时机尤为重要。

他说：“在座各位都是重量级人物，他们直接参与了当今重要的地缘政治冲突。”

这种平衡策略并非新鲜事。自1991年独立以来，中亚各国基本上都奉行所谓的多方位外交政策。

比什凯克和其他中亚国家一样，奉行与俄罗斯保持密切关系、与中国建立联系、同时对欧洲敞开大门、与华盛顿保持良好关系的外交政策。

对吉尔吉斯斯坦而言，与其说是选边站队，不如说是保持选择的开放性，这与其地理位置密切相关。作为内陆国家，吉尔吉斯斯坦依赖运输走廊，而多山的地形又增加了基础设施建设的难度。对进口能源和外部市场的依赖，使其经济极易受到境外冲击的影响。

“吉尔吉斯斯坦在地缘政治和地理上的最大弱点是其在运输路线、能源和经济关系方面的依赖性，”朱拉耶夫直言不讳地说道。

因此，多元化不再仅仅是一种经济目标。吉尔吉斯斯坦作为较小的成员国之一，无法左右上海合作组织的议程，但它对组织语言的形成起到了一定的作用。

几十年来，人们看待中亚主要还是从周边强权的视角出发。但该地区乃至更广泛地区的战争改变了这一切——俄罗斯和伊朗都受到制裁，中国将目光投向西方，欧洲则将目光投向东方。突然之间，中亚的地理位置焕发出新的价值，公路、铁路、管道、贸易走廊、电力网络等基础设施的建设，使这片边缘地带成为具有重要战略意义的通道。朱拉耶夫表示：“吉尔吉斯斯坦希望峰会宣言能够承认这一转变，承认中亚正迈向国际政治的中心舞台。”

上海合作组织日益被视为制衡美国影响力的力量——中国和俄罗斯可以通过该组织推进其对全球秩序的不同愿景。但上合组织内部的多元性远非简单的“东西方对抗”所能概括。需要指出的是，上合组织并非一个统一的反美集团。

上海合作组织成员国之间存在利益冲突，与华盛顿的关系各不相同，在某些情况下，彼此之间也存在深刻分歧。问题不在于上海合作组织是否排斥西方，而在于它能否避免被完全定义为与西方对立。

伊朗将这一问题推到了风口浪尖——地缘政治理论与更为紧迫的危机在此交汇。在经历了一个多月的相对平静之后，德黑兰和华盛顿再次陷入对抗。伊朗总统马苏德·佩泽什基安利用上海合作组织峰会，将外交问题直接摆上了台面。

“我明确表示，如果美国恢复履行上述谅解备忘录下的承诺，伊朗伊斯兰共和国将立即采取对等行动，”他说。

6月签署的伊斯兰堡谅解备忘录宣告破裂，德黑兰和华盛顿互相指责对方违反了备忘录条款。伊朗外长阿巴斯·阿拉格奇也呼吁华盛顿回归其总统签署的谅解备忘录内容。“那样的话，一切都能重回正轨，”他说。

然而，对上海合作组织而言，伊朗问题不仅仅是一个外交问题，更是一个经济问题。华盛顿已恢复对德黑兰的制裁，并扩大了对与伊朗开展业务者的惩罚力度。这对中亚国家至关重要，尤其是那些经济与俄罗斯紧密相连、且日益融入中国贸易网络的国家。朱拉耶夫对吉尔吉斯斯坦等国是否会完全遵守制裁表示怀疑。“声明很可能与实际情况不符，”他说，“中国和其他国家已经拒绝接受他们所谓的单边制裁。”

现实情况是，制裁确实会造成伤害，正如它们对伊朗和俄罗斯造成的伤害一样。虽然制裁并未如预期那样导致经济崩溃，但确实给民众带来了痛苦，并给两国经济造成了冲击。然而，在一个以跨境贸易为基础的地区执行制裁则截然不同。对于中亚经济体而言，完全遵守制裁规定十分困难，因为其经济联系过于紧密，这与西方国家的遵守情况大相径庭。无论是与伊朗还是与俄罗斯，两国之间的运输和贸易联系都在稳步增长，因此各国不太可能在一夜之间切断这些联系。

2026年9月1日星期二，俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京（右）与伊朗总统马苏德·佩泽什基扬在吉尔吉斯斯坦举行的上海合作组织峰会期间举行会晤。（Vyacheslav Prokofyev/Sputnik/Kremlin Pool Photo via AP）

这使得上海合作组织峰会成为一个重要的政治时刻。

不一定是因为其成员国能够战胜制裁制度，而是因为它们可以集体表明它们在单边施压问题上的立场。

当你与来自全球南方国家的代表交谈时，你还会听到一个更广泛的信息：上海合作组织正在成为一个论坛，在这个论坛上，各国不一定在所有事情上都达成一致，但却可以在一个原则上达成一致：他们想要回旋余地。

普京称多极世界正在出现，佩泽什基扬正在利用这个论坛，按照伊朗的条件，维持与华盛顿的外交关系，中国正在捍卫其经济关系，印度正在追求自身的战略利益，而吉尔吉斯斯坦则试图确保这些关系都不会阻碍其他关系的建立。

但吉尔吉斯斯坦还面临着第二个问题——这个问题并不在峰会谈判桌上。吉尔吉斯斯坦的崛起有多少是自身努力的结果？

随着过境贸易的增长，经济快速增长，工资上涨，建筑业加速发展，出口增加。

比什凯克的发展势头十分强劲，新建的道路和建筑填满了曾经的空地。一些特殊情况带来了诸多发展机遇，例如乌克兰战争改变了区域贸易格局，并扩大了中国的投资。随着贸易路线的转移，资金和需求也随之跨境流动。政府引以为豪的是，近期的大部分发展都是在没有像以往那样依赖外部借贷的情况下完成的。然而，仅仅依靠建筑并不能创造一个高效的经济体。正如朱拉耶夫所指出的，外部因素的推动作用可能会成为长期增长的隐患。“生产力正在提高，出口也在增长，国内生产的商品种类也在增加。但这种发展势头很大程度上仍然依赖于外部因素——特别是俄乌战争和中国的投资。而工资上涨则是减贫的主要驱动力之一。”

更棘手的问题是，接下来会发生什么？哪些生产部门能够维持这些收入？农业似乎是一个显而易见的答案，因为吉尔吉斯斯坦是一个农业国。但冰川正在融化，气候变化正在产生影响。此外，吉尔吉斯斯坦长期创造高价值增长的能力仍然存在不确定性。这或许才是本次峰会背后更重要的故事，而非演讲、旗帜或宣言。

吉尔吉斯斯坦希望将地理优势转化为自身优势，将自身弱点转化为发展机遇。但更广泛的问题依然存在：中亚能否从俄罗斯、中国、伊朗和欧洲之间的夹缝地带转变为一个独立的中心？以及，当驱动经济增长的外部力量不可避免地发生变化时，当前的经济增长模式能否持续？

吉尔吉斯斯坦身处一个变革地区的中心，这既带来了机遇，也带来了压力。在大国林立的博弈中，保持所有渠道畅通或许是最重要的策略。