Former Prime Minister and Democrat Party leader cites a lack of public trust in the Election Commission

September 11, 2026 at 2:35 pm

in Living , Media , Politics , Thailand

Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva has launched a major parliamentary attack on the Election Commission, demanding that the sprawling 2024 Senate collusion case be sent to the Supreme Court. He also called for a 10% cut to funding for independent agencies, citing collapsing public trust, disputed EC criteria and a damaging standoff with the DSI. Most sharply, he questioned the position of four Election Commissioners approved by the current Senate now caught up in the case. Their role has thrown fresh scrutiny on the embattled Election Commission ahead of its crucial September 14 decision.

Former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva attacks the EC over the Senate collusion case, demands Supreme Court action and questions four Senate-approved commissioners. ( Source: Khaosod )

Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva launched a sustained attack on the Election Commission on Thursday. He accused the body of facing a severe crisis of public trust. Crucially, he demanded that it refer the Senate collusion case to the Supreme Court.

He said credible evidence was enough to justify a referral. The Election Commission (EC) did not need to prove the case itself. Instead, judges should examine the evidence and decide whether wrongdoing occurred.

At the centre of his attack was the looming September 14 decision. Four Election Commissioners expected to consider the case were approved by the current Senate, Mr Abhisit said. That Senate is itself at the centre of the collusion case. Consequently, he warned that a decision favouring those accused could expose the four commissioners to questions over conflicts and overlapping interests. Yet their withdrawal could leave the EC without a quorum. That problem has placed the commission itself squarely inside the controversy.

Abhisit seeks 10% budget cut as public confidence in Election Commission continues to deteriorate

Mr Abhisit delivered the broadside during debate on Thailand’s ฿3.78 trillion budget for fiscal year 2027. The House of Representatives met on September 10 for the bill’s second and third readings. At about 4 pm, he addressed Article 32 of the legislation. It covers independent organisations and the Office of the Attorney General. Their combined allocation totals ฿7.85 billion. Notably, Mr Abhisit proposed cutting the funding by 10%.

He stressed that he was not targeting particular projects. Rather, the proposed reduction would signal parliamentary dissatisfaction with the organisations’ performance. Mr Abhisit described independent bodies as crucial pillars of democracy. However, he said mechanisms for scrutinising them remained limited. Parliament can approve substantial funding for these organisations. Its ability to investigate their conduct is considerably more restricted.

As an example, he pointed to the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC). Parliament cannot simply investigate the NACC through ordinary procedures, he said. Instead, the Speaker must decide whether a complaint should reach the Supreme Court. Judges can then establish an independent investigative panel. Against that backdrop, Mr Abhisit identified budget scrutiny as an important parliamentary power.

His proposed cut was also tied to falling public confidence. In particular, he cited recent research by the King Prajadhipok’s Institute. The survey measured public confidence and trust in politically related organisations. According to Mr Abhisit, the EC recorded low credibility. Significantly, he said its standing had progressively deteriorated compared with the past.

Abhisit urges Supreme Court referral as he questions EC handling of sprawling Senate collusion case

Mr Abhisit linked that decline with concerns surrounding unfair and dishonest elections. At the same time, he questioned confidence in the process established to investigate election wrongdoing. That brought his speech directly to the Senate collusion affair. The Supreme Court should ultimately determine the evidence, he said. Accordingly, he challenged the EC to explain why judges had not already received the case.

The commission did not need to establish guilt before making a referral, Mr Abhisit argued. If credible evidence of fraudulent conduct existed, it should petition the Supreme Court. In support, he cited the EC’s own previous handling of election cases. The commission had already demonstrated that court referrals did not require exhaustive findings beforehand.

In 2019, for example, the EC referred an election case to the Supreme Court. Subsequently, judges ruled that the election was not free and unfairly disadvantaged other candidates. Mr Abhisit also said the EC continued sending cases to courts during 2024. By comparison, he described the present Senate controversy as much larger. He questioned why the commission was now applying a more complicated approach.

Several features of the Senate selection process formed part of his criticism. Among them were candidates who received zero votes. Separately, he cited vote-counting slips and meetings reportedly held at hotels. These matters had already entered the public domain. Mr Abhisit therefore questioned why extensive investigative spending was required before a court referral.

Zero-vote candidates, counting slips and hotel meetings fuel Abhisit’s demands for a court referral

He also challenged explanations that multiple criteria first had to be satisfied. The EC had referred smaller cases before, he argued. By contrast, he said the largest case now appeared surrounded by additional hurdles. Publicly available information had already raised doubts about whether the affair was straightforward. Furthermore, the accusations reached beyond Senate candidates to politicians and political parties.

Mr Abhisit then highlighted the response from some people facing accusations. He said even accused figures appeared unwilling to trust the Election Commission. Rather than clarify the underlying facts, some challenged whether the EC’s charges complied with the law. He used that response to reinforce his argument about declining confidence.

“In fact, even those accused within the party don’t really trust the Election Commission because many of them choose not to clarify the facts of their cases. They only try to argue that the Election Commission’s charges are not in accordance with the law. The party doesn’t trust them, and neither do I. So why hesitate to say that we don’t need the budget anymore? That’s enough to point it out,” Mr Abhisit said.

On another front, Mr Abhisit attacked relations between the EC and the Department of Special Investigation (DSI). The DSI investigated the affair and sent information to the EC for consideration, he said. According to Mr Abhisit, the commission refused to accept it. In parallel, the DSI requested information from the Election Commission. He said the EC also refused to provide that material.

Abhisit attacks EC and DSI information standoff as accused figures also challenge commission charges

Mr Abhisit then questioned how the public could trust such a process. In response to growing criticism, EC Secretary-General Sawaeng Boonmee outlined three criteria governing whether charges would be filed. The explanation followed social media criticism and the public release of information. Mr Abhisit described those criteria as strange.

Firstly, he said one criterion required the accused person to be a Senate candidate. The accusations, however, extended beyond candidates. Politicians were also accused, he said. Secondly, Mr Abhisit cited Section 76 of the relevant law. He said it covered political office holders connected with parties and offences involving Senate elections.

That provision had a particular purpose, according to Mr Abhisit. The Senate election was intended to remain free from political party involvement. Therefore, he argued, restricting scrutiny to candidates did not address the broader accusations. The case involved claims concerning political figures as well as those standing for Senate seats.

There was also a geographical dimension to his criticism. Allegations had been made across several provinces, Mr Abhisit said. Nevertheless, he said only one political party had been targeted. Financial transfers were another element under scrutiny. In addition, he questioned suggestions that those transfers were simply coincidental.

Taken together, Mr Abhisit said these issues justified putting the evidence before judges. The court could then determine its significance. His argument returned repeatedly to the EC’s threshold for making a referral. He said the commission had previously sent considerably smaller election cases to court.

Abhisit questions EC criteria, political links and financial transfers in widening Senate election case

The sharpest section of his speech concerned the September 14 meeting. Mr Abhisit said four Election Commissioners due to decide the matter were approved by the current Senate. That Senate is itself implicated in the collusion case. Under ordinary administrative procedure principles, he argued, the four would face questions over whether they should participate in the decision.

The EC’s specialised status creates a further complication. If all four withdrew, the remaining commissioners might not constitute a quorum. As a result, the commission could become unable to make a ruling. Yet participation could expose the four to immediate conflict questions, Mr Abhisit said. The commission therefore faces a difficult procedural position before September 14.

“The four Election Commissioners who will make a decision on September 14th were approved by the Senate that is accused in this case. Under the general administrative procedure law, they would have no right to consider the matter. However, because it is a specialised organisation, if they don’t consider it, there might not be a quorum and therefore no ruling could be made. But according to the principles of good governance, if these four make a decision favourable to those who helped put them in office, they cannot escape accusations of having an interest, reciprocal benefits or overlapping interests. Therefore, the Election Commission’s budget needs to be cut as well,” Mr Abhisit said.

Mr Abhisit then widened his attack beyond the Election Commission. Specifically, he proposed reducing the National Anti-Corruption Commission’s budget under the same 10% proposal. He said the NACC’s working processes also caused concern. To illustrate the problem, he disclosed the outcome of an investigation involving himself.

Four Election Commissioners face conflict questions as September 14 Senate case decision approaches

The NACC recently informed Mr Abhisit about accusations dating back 15 years. The commission told him that its investigation had cleared him. Mr Abhisit thanked it for confirming his innocence. Even so, he questioned why the decision had taken 15 years. He also asked whether other unresolved matters remained within the system.

He said he had previously sought answers concerning similar cases. One involved a former minister who was forced to leave office. The Constitutional Court ruled that the minister remained a partner in a company. Consequently, the minister had to leave the post. Other complaints had also been filed, Mr Abhisit said.

Those additional matters should have been decided immediately, according to Mr Abhisit. Yet he said no answer had been received. For that reason, he argued Parliament should use its control over public spending. Organisations should not receive funds without meeting performance indicators, he said. Their operations should also reflect their constitutional responsibilities.

As part of this, Mr Abhisit proposed streamlining NACC investigations into assets held by political office holders. Asset declarations still require verification after submission. Relevant information, however, is held across several state organisations. He proposed formal agreements allowing the NACC to obtain those records more efficiently.

Abhisit turns on NACC over 15-year case delay and calls for stronger parliamentary budget pressure

Mr Abhisit specifically named the Bank of Thailand, Department of Land Transport and Department of Lands. Those agencies hold information relevant to asset checks. Under his proposal, political office holders would provide signed consent for the inspections. This would reduce the expense and workload involved in locating information, he said.

“I suggest the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) request information from relevant agencies, making agreements with the Bank of Thailand (BOT), the Department of Land Transport, and the Department of Land, to inspect the assets of political office holders. We would then need their signed consent to conduct this inspection. This would save money and eliminate the burden of searching for this information.”

Beyond the initial declarations, Mr Abhisit stressed that the information still had to be verified. He placed responsibility on Parliament to ensure the oversight system functioned as designed. In turn, he presented the proposed 10% budget reduction as Parliament’s immediate response. It would affect independent organisations receiving funding under Article 32.

“Even after submitting asset declarations, verification is still required. If this system doesn’t function according to the democratic principles we’ve established, and if it can’t truly happen, the responsibility of preserving the system falls on all of us in this parliament. We can start by signalling a 10% cut in the budgets of these organisations,” Mr Abhisit said.

Abhisit proposes direct state data access to speed NACC checks on assets held by political office holders

The intervention transformed part of the ฿3.78 trillion budget debate into a direct attack on two independent organisations. Foremost among them was the Election Commission. Mr Abhisit questioned its credibility, its procedures and its handling of the Senate collusion investigation. He also challenged its dealings with the DSI and its threshold for court referrals.

At issue were several strands of information already surrounding the Senate affair. These included zero-vote candidates, vote-counting slips and reported hotel meetings. Added to those were financial transfers and accusations involving political figures. Mr Abhisit said the scale was greater than cases previously referred to judges.

Meanwhile, the position of four Election Commissioners has added another dimension before September 14. All four were approved by the current Senate, now implicated in the collusion case. Mr Abhisit warned that a decision favouring those accused could raise conflict of interest questions. Their withdrawal, however, could prevent a quorum. That leaves the composition of the deciding body itself under scrutiny.

Abhisit puts EC credibility and Senate case handling at centre of fierce ฿3.78 trillion budget debate

Mr Abhisit’s proposed route was direct. The EC should send the case to the Supreme Court and allow judges to examine the evidence. He said credible evidence was sufficient for a referral. Past Election Commission practice, he argued, showed that such action was already available.

At the same time, the Democrat leader used the budget debate to target institutional performance. He proposed cutting 10% from the ฿7.85 billion allocation under Article 32. The proposal covered independent organisations and the Office of the Attorney General. He said Parliament should use public funding to demand improved performance.

The immediate political focus, however, remains September 14. The Election Commission is due to make a decision concerning the Senate collusion case. Ahead of that meeting, Mr Abhisit has put its public standing under intense parliamentary scrutiny. He has also demanded that the largest questions surrounding the affair be decided in the Supreme Court.

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Joseph Anthony is an expat from Ireland who has lived in Thailand for the last decade. He has worked extensively in the media including editorial positions in Ireland and Thailand. He is focused on economic and business stories in Thailand as well as the expat lifestyle.

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2026年9月11日下午2:35

在生活、媒体、政治、泰国

民主党领袖阿披实·维乍集瓦在议会发起猛烈抨击选举委员会，要求将涉及2024年参议院选举舞弊案的庞大案件提交最高法院审理。他还呼吁削减10%的独立机构经费，理由是公众信任度下降、选举委员会的评选标准存在争议以及与特别调查局（DSI）之间僵持不下。尤其令他感到不满的是，他质疑了四名由现任参议院批准、目前卷入此案的选举委员的资格。他们的出现使处境艰难的选举委员会在9月14日关键决定公布前再次受到密切关注。

前总理阿披实·维乍集瓦就参议院串通案抨击选举委员会，要求最高法院介入，并质询四名参议院批准的委员。（来源：考索德报）

民主党领袖阿披实·维乍集瓦周四对选举委员会发起持续猛烈抨击。他指责该机构面临严重的公众信任危机。更重要的是，他要求选举委员会将参议院串谋案移交最高法院审理。

他表示，可信的证据足以构成移交的理由。选举委员会无需自行证明案件，而应由法官审查证据并裁定是否存在不当行为。

阿披实先生的攻击核心是即将到来的9月14日裁决。他指出，四名预计将审理此案的选举委员会委员已获得现任参议院的批准。而参议院本身正是这起串谋案的核心。因此，他警告说，如果裁决有利于被告，这四名委员可能会面临利益冲突和利益重叠的质疑。然而，如果他们退出，选举委员会可能因人数不足而无法达到法定人数。这个问题已使选举委员会本身深陷争议之中。

由于公众对选举委员会的信任度持续下降，阿披实要求削减10%的预算。

阿披实先生在泰国2027财年3.78万亿泰铢预算案辩论期间发表了措辞强硬的讲话。众议院于9月10日举行会议，对该法案进行了二读和三读。下午4点左右，他谈到了该法案的第32条。该条款涵盖独立组织和总检察长办公室，二者合计拨款78.5亿泰铢。值得注意的是，阿披实先生提议削减10%的拨款。

他强调，他并非针对特定项目。相反，拟议的削减将表明议会对这些机构的工作表现不满。阿披实先生称独立机构是民主的重要支柱。然而，他表示，监督这些机构的机制仍然有限。议会可以批准向这些机构提供大量资金，但其调查这些机构行为的能力却受到诸多限制。

他以国家反贪污委员会（NACC）为例。他指出，议会不能简单地通过常规程序调查NACC，而必须由议长决定是否将投诉提交最高法院。最高法院法官随后可以成立独立的调查小组。在此背景下，阿披实先生强调了预算审查是议会的一项重要权力。

他提出的削减方案也与公众信任度下降有关。他特别引用了国王普拉贾迪波克研究所最近的一项研究。该调查衡量了公众对政治相关组织的信心和信任度。阿披实先生表示，选举委员会的信誉度较低。更重要的是，他指出，与过去相比，选举委员会的声誉已逐渐恶化。

阿披实质疑选举委员会对参议院串谋案的处理方式，并敦促将此案提交最高法院审理。

阿披实先生将这一下滑与民众对选举不公和舞弊的担忧联系起来。与此同时，他对现有的选举舞弊调查程序的可信度提出了质疑。这使他的讲话直接指向了参议院的串谋丑闻。他表示，最高法院最终应该裁定证据。因此，他质问选举委员会为何法官尚未受理此案。

阿披实先生认为，选举委员会无需在提交案件前认定被告有罪。如果存在可信的舞弊证据，委员会应向最高法院提起诉讼。他援引选举委员会以往处理选举案件的经验作为佐证。委员会此前已证明，向法院提交案件无需事先进行详尽的调查。

例如，2019年，选举委员会将一起选举案件提交至最高法院。随后，法官裁定该次选举不自由，对其他候选人造成了不公平的不利影响。阿披实先生还表示，选举委员会在2024年期间仍在继续向法院提交案件。相比之下，他认为目前的参议院争议规模要大得多。他质疑选举委员会为何现在采取了更为复杂的处理方式。

阿披实先生批评了参议院选举过程中的几个问题，其中包括一些候选人得票数为零。此外，他还提到了计票单和据称在酒店举行的会议。这些事情早已公开。因此，阿披实先生质疑，为何在将案件提交法院之前，需要花费大量资金进行调查。

零票候选人、计票单和酒店会面等事件，促使阿披实要求将此案移交法院审理。

他还质疑了必须先满足多项标准才能进行调查的说法。他指出，选举委员会此前也曾移交过一些规模较小的案件。相比之下，他表示，目前这起最大的案件似乎面临着更多障碍。公开信息已经引发了人们对该事件是否简单的质疑。此外，指控的范围不仅限于参议院候选人，还涉及政客和政党。

阿披实先生随后着重指出一些面临指控的人的反应。他说，就连被指控的人士似乎也不愿信任选举委员会。有些人非但没有澄清事实，反而质疑选举委员会的指控是否合法。他以此为由，进一步阐述了公众信任度下降的观点。

“事实上，就连党内那些被指控的人也不真正信任选举委员会，因为他们中的许多人选择不澄清案件事实。他们只是试图辩称选举委员会的指控不符合法律。党不信任他们，我也不信任他们。那么，为什么还要犹豫说我们不再需要预算呢？这一点就足以说明问题了。”阿披实先生说道。

另一方面，阿披实先生抨击了选举委员会与特别调查厅（DSI）之间的关系。他说，特别调查厅对此事进行了调查，并将相关信息提交给选举委员会审议。但据阿披实先生称，选举委员会拒绝接受这些信息。与此同时，特别调查厅也向选举委员会索取了相关信息。他说，选举委员会同样拒绝提供这些材料。

阿披实抨击选举委员会和特别调查局的信息僵局，被告人也对佣金指控提出质疑。

阿披实先生随后质疑公众如何能信任这样的程序。面对日益高涨的批评声浪，选举委员会秘书长萨旺·汶米概述了决定是否提起诉讼的三项标准。此前，社交媒体上充斥着批评之声，相关信息也已公开。阿披实先生认为这些标准十分奇怪。

首先，他指出，其中一项标准要求被告必须是参议院候选人。然而，指控范围并不局限于候选人，政治人物也同样受到指控。其次，阿披实先生援引了相关法律第76条。他表示，该条款涵盖与政党有关联的政治职务持有者以及涉及参议院选举的犯罪行为。

阿披实先生认为，该条款有其特定目的。参议院选举旨在保持独立于政党干预之外。因此，他辩称，将审查范围限制在候选人身上并不能解决更广泛的指控。此案涉及对政治人物以及参议院候选人的指控。

阿披实先生的批评也带有地域性色彩。他表示，多个省份都出现了类似的指控。然而，他指出，只有一家政党成为攻击目标。资金转移是另一个受到审查的方面。此外，他还质疑这些资金转移纯属巧合的说法。

阿披实先生表示，综合考虑这些问题，有必要将证据提交法官审理。法院随后可以判断其重要性。他的论点反复提及选举委员会将案件移交法院的门槛。他指出，委员会此前曾将一些规模小得多的选举案件提交法院审理。

阿披实质疑选举委员会的评判标准、政治关系和资金转移，导致参议院选举案范围扩大。

阿披实先生演讲中最尖锐的部分是关于9月14日的会议。他指出，四名负责决定此事的选举委员是由现任参议院批准的。而参议院本身也卷入了串通舞弊案。他认为，按照正常的行政程序原则，这四名委员应该面临是否应该参与决定的质询。

欧盟委员会的特殊地位使情况更加复杂。如果四位委员全部退出，剩余委员可能不足以构成法定人数。如此一来，委员会可能无法做出裁决。然而，阿披实先生指出，四位委员的参与可能会立即引发利益冲突问题。因此，在9月14日之前，委员会面临着棘手的程序性困境。

“将于9月14日做出决定的四位选举委员是由本案被告参议院批准的。根据一般行政程序法，他们本无权审议此事。然而，由于选举委员会是一个专门机构，如果他们不审议，可能就无法达到法定人数，从而无法做出裁决。但根据良好治理原则，如果这四位委员做出有利于帮助他们上台的人的决定，他们就无法逃脱利益冲突、互惠互利或利益重叠的指控。因此，选举委员会的预算也需要削减，”阿披实先生说道。

阿披实先生随后将攻击范围扩大到选举委员会之外。具体而言，他提议按照同样的10%削减方案，削减国家反腐败委员会的预算。他表示，国家反腐败委员会的工作流程也令人担忧。为了说明问题，他还公开了一项涉及他本人的调查结果。

随着9月14日参议院案件裁决临近，四名选举委员面临利益冲突质疑。

国家反贪污委员会（NACC）近日告知阿披实先生，他曾受到长达15年的指控。委员会告知他，调查已证明他清白。阿披实先生感谢委员会确认他的清白。尽管如此，他仍质疑为何这一决定耗时15年。他还询问，是否还有其他未决案件仍在司法系统中。

他表示，此前曾就类似案件寻求解答。其中一起案件涉及一位被迫离职的前部长。宪法法院裁定，该部长仍是一家公司的合伙人。因此，该部长必须卸任。阿披实先生还表示，此前也曾收到过其他类似的投诉。

阿披实先生认为，这些额外事项本应立即得到决定。但他​​表示，至今仍未收到任何答复。因此，他主张国会应行使对公共支出的控制权。他指出，任何机构若未达到绩效指标，就不应获得资金。它们的运作也应体现其宪法责任。

作为其中的一部分，阿披实先生提议简化国家反贪委员会对政治官员资产的调查流程。目前，资产申报仍需在提交后进行核实。然而，相关信息分散在多个国家机构中。他提议签署正式协议，以便国家反贪委员会能够更高效地获取这些记录。

阿披实就案件拖延15年一事抨击国家反腐败委员会，并呼吁国会加大预算压力。

阿披实先生特别提到了泰国银行、陆路运输厅和土地厅。这些机构掌握着与资产核查相关的信息。根据他的提议，政治官员需签署同意书方可接受检查。他表示，这将减少查找信息所需的费用和工作量。

“我建议国家反腐败委员会（NACC）向相关机构索取信息，并与泰国银行（BOT）、陆路运输厅和土地厅达成协议，对政治官员的资产进行检查。之后，我们需要获得他们的签字同意才能进行这项检查。这将节省资金，并免去搜寻这些信息的负担。”

阿披实先生在初步声明之外强调，相关信息仍需核实。他指出，议会有责任确保监督机制按预期运作。作为回应，他提出削减10%预算的方案，作为议会的直接回应。该方案将影响根据宪法第32条获得资助的独立组织。

阿披实先生表示：“即使提交了资产申报表，仍然需要进行核实。如果这个系统不能按照我们确立的民主原则运作，如果它无法真正实现，那么维护这个系统的责任就落在了我们议会所有人的肩上。我们可以从削减这些机构10%的预算开始。”

阿披实提议直接获取国家数据，以加快国家反腐败委员会对政治官员所持资产的核查。

此次干预将原本就高达3.78万亿泰铢的预算辩论，演变成对两个独立机构的直接攻击。其中最受关注的是选举委员会。阿披实先生质疑其公信力、程序以及对参议院串谋调查的处理方式。他还质疑其与特别调查局（DSI）的合作方式以及将案件移交法院的门槛。

此次事件涉及参议院舞弊案的多项信息，包括得票为零的候选人、计票单以及被报道的酒店会面。此外，还有涉及政治人物的资金转移和指控。阿披实先生表示，此案的规模远超以往提交法官审理的案件。

与此同时，四位选举委员会委员的任命在9月14日之前又增添了一层新的变数。这四位委员均由现任参议院批准，而参议院目前正卷入串谋案。阿披实先生警告说，如果决定偏袒被告，可能会引发利益冲突的质疑。然而，如果他们退出，则可能导致无法达到法定人数。这使得最终决策机构的组成本身也受到密切关注。

阿披实将选举委员会的信誉和参议院的案件处理能力置于3.78万亿泰铢预算案激烈辩论的核心位置。

阿披实先生提出的方案很直接。他认为，选举委员会应该将此案提交最高法院，由法官审查证据。他表示，只要有可信的证据，就足以提出移交申请。他辩称，选举委员会过去的做法表明，这种做法早已可行。

与此同时，这位民主党领袖利用预算辩论的机会，将矛头指向了机构绩效。他提议削减根据宪法第32条拨付的78.5亿泰铢预算中的10%。该提议涵盖了独立组织和总检察长办公室。他表示，议会应该利用公共资金来要求这些机构提高绩效。

然而，眼下的政治焦点仍然是9月14日。选举委员会将于当日就参议院串谋案作出决定。在此之前，阿披实先生已将该案的公众形象置于议会的严密审查之下。他还要求最高法院对该事件中最重要的问题作出裁决。

阿披实转而积极支持反对派揭露2024年参议院选举中大规模勾结行为的努力。

参议院选举舞弊案将于8月迎来最终决战，选举委员会将做出最终决定。

阿努廷总理和泰自豪党就参议院选举指控提起诉讼，这是该党面临的新战线。

反对派和证人呼吁将参议院串谋案提交法院审理，与此同时，选举委员会正在就一起重大案件作出决定。

前官员提交警方报告，揭露2024年参议院选举背后存在巨大阴谋的新证据

强有力的视频证据让饱受争议的选举委员会在参议院勾结指控案中面临更大的压力

反对党和人民党领导人在2014年政变12周年之际抨击“蓝色政权”。

泰国国立法政大学法学学者、1992年抗议活动领导人警告称，不能排除再次发生政变的可能性。

未来几周，由于参议院串谋阴谋案引发宪法法院诉讼，政府岌岌可危。

司法部长因涉嫌参与特别调查局 (DSI) 扩大的参议院刑事调查而被停职。

令人震惊的真实证据表明，参议院选举存在大规模串谋活动。1200人正在接受DSI的调查。

参议员呼吁议员暂停职务，担忧决策受到干扰。稍后将传唤146名参议员。

约瑟夫·安东尼是一位来自爱尔兰的侨民，过去十年一直居住在泰国。他曾在爱尔兰和泰国的媒体行业担任过编辑职务，拥有丰富的媒体从业经验。他主要关注泰国的经济和商业新闻，以及侨民的生活方式。

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