Election Commission creates more questions than answers as it finally refers 77 people to the Supreme Court

September 14, 2026 at 8:38 pm

in Living , Media , Politics , Thailand

Thailand’s Election Commission has left more questions than answers over the explosive 2024 Senate scandal, nearly two years and three months after the election. It is sending 77 people towards the Supreme Court, including 26 serving senators, yet has extraordinarily named none of them. Meanwhile, every political figure accused of helping candidates escaped referral, including Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and influential Bhumjaithai figure Newin Chidchob. Now the controversy is turning towards the EC itself, with the People’s Party weighing legal action and a fresh offensive in Parliament.

Thailand’s Election Commission, chaired by Narong Klunwarin, is sending 77 people towards the Supreme Court, including 26 unnamed serving senators. Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and Bhumjaithai Party bigwig Newin Chidchob escape referral. ( Source: Thai PBS )

Thailand’s Election Commission has pushed the 2024 Senate selection scandal towards the Supreme Court. However, every political figure accused of assisting candidates has escaped referral. Monday’s ruling sends 77 people towards court, including 26 serving senators. Yet no Bhumjaithai executive, minister, MP or political office-holder is among them.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul escaped referral under the crucial political-assistance allegation. Influential Bhumjaithai figure Newin Chidchob also avoided the court process. Meanwhile, the EC found sufficient grounds for proceedings against dozens of Senate-selection participants. The ruling has therefore split the case sharply between participants and their accused political backers.

The decision immediately triggered another political battle. People’s Party leader Nattapong Ruangpanyawut accused the EC of breaking an interconnected case into separate pieces. In response, his party is considering legal proceedings against Election Commissioners themselves. It also intends to pursue political office-holders through Parliament.

EC sends 77 towards court but withholds names as blue Senate links remain under close scrutiny today

The formal investigation was considerably larger than the widely reported group of 229 people. Altogether, proceedings involved 67 complainants and 427 respondents. The investigation file ran to 75,722 pages. Nevertheless, the 229 remained the politically sensitive core of the case.

Committee 26 had previously recommended proceedings against all 229. They included 138 serving senators and numerous politicians, former candidates and other figures. Additionally, reporting identified people within the wider group as belonging to a Bhumjaithai-linked political network.

On Monday afternoon, the seven Election Commissioners reached their final decision. The EC ordered Supreme Court petitions against 77 people. Criminal proceedings will also follow against members of the group.

The 77 comprise 26 serving senators, 36 other eligible Senate-selection participants and 15 other people. Notably, the EC did not publicly identify them. Instead, it announced only the number and categories involved.

That omission has become one of Monday’s most significant developments. Thailand now knows 26 serving senators face Supreme Court proceedings. However, it does not officially know which senators they are.

Some senators investigated in the wider case have previously been associated with the so-called blue Senate bloc. The term commonly describes senators regarded as aligned with Bhumjaithai’s wider political power base. Senators themselves are not formal party representatives.

Withheld names block scrutiny of 26 senators as political figures escape referral from the EC today

Even so, the names matter. Without them, the 26 cannot be mapped against senators previously linked publicly with the blue bloc. Likewise, their provinces, occupational groups and voting histories cannot yet be compared.

Their reported political connections also remain impossible to test against the final EC list. By contrast, the political figures escaping referral are already identifiable. That difference has added another element to the controversy.

The most important EC decisions involved allegations one and two. Allegation one accused political figures of helping candidates become senators. It was brought under Section 76(1) of the Senate selection law.

That allegation covered 21 people. However, the EC decided not to send any of them to the Supreme Court. The group included political figures associated with Bhumjaithai. Anutin and Newin were among those escaping referral.

Allegation two concerned Senate candidates accused of knowingly accepting political assistance. That accusation covered 140 people. They included 137 serving senators, one reserve candidate and two other eligible participants.

Again, the EC declined to refer anybody under that allegation. Consequently, both accusations providing the direct political bridge into the case have failed at EC level. One concerned providing assistance. The other concerned receiving it.

EC rejects political-assistance link but keeps wider Senate selection case alive against 77 in court

The commission therefore rejected the legal connection between the accused politicians and the candidates. However, it did not clear the 2024 Senate selection itself. Instead, substantial proceedings survive against 77 people under other allegations.

That distinction now defines Monday’s ruling. The political-assistance case has stopped inside the Election Commission. The cases involving numerous Senate participants are moving towards court.

EC chairman Narong Klanwarin later gave a detailed explanation for the majority’s decision. At the centre of his account was witness 16/26. Former Election Commissioner Somchai Srisutthiyakorn subsequently identified that witness as Ekkarat Changlao.

Ekkarat was previously a Bhumjaithai MP for Khon Kaen. He won the election under the party banner in 2023. Later, his relationship with the party collapsed following a major criminal case.

On April 17, 2025, the Khon Kaen Provincial Court sentenced him over the Teachers’ Savings Cooperative case. He was also ordered to repay approximately ฿405 million. Bhumjaithai expelled him the following day.

Afterwards, Ekkarat provided evidence to investigative Committee 26. His testimony was highly significant because it directly connected senior Bhumjaithai figures with the suspected Senate operation. Subsequently, however, he withdrew that evidence.

Ekkarat’s testimony placed senior Bhumjaithai figures inside alleged planning before later withdrawal

His original testimony described four separate events. The first concerned preparations before the national Senate selection. According to Ekkarat, Bhumjaithai figures studied election rules and relevant laws.

He said a group led by Paradorn Prisnanantakul worked on those preparations. Furthermore, he claimed they devised a programme to calculate Senate voting arrangements. He said the information came from fellow MPs and Bhumjaithai executives.

The second claimed event occurred between June 16 and June 26, 2024. That was immediately before the national Senate selection. According to Ekkarat, a meeting took place at Bhumjaithai headquarters in Bangkok.

He said Paradorn and Chaichanok Chidchob were among the main speakers. Other party executives and MPs were also said to have attended. Crucially, Ekkarat claimed Newin and Anutin chaired the meeting.

The witness said he attended personally. If accepted, that testimony would have placed leading Bhumjaithai figures inside the preparations described by investigators. The respondents denied wrongdoing.

The third event allegedly occurred on June 24, 2024. That was two days before the national selection. According to the testimony, Ekkarat travelled with others to Ayutthaya.

Ayutthaya voting preparations and Pullman meeting become central to disputed witness account evidence

The location was Rajamangala University of Technology Suvarnabhumi’s Hantra campus. There, he said participants prepared voting material for the Senate selection. Suksomruay Wantaniyakul and student assistants were also said to have participated.

Then came the fourth claimed event. It occurred after the national Senate vote. Ekkarat said allied senators were taken to Bangkok’s Pullman Hotel.

There, according to his original account, they received policy directions from Newin. The alleged meeting became one of the most politically sensitive elements of the investigation. Again, the respondents rejected wrongdoing.

Narong said the EC majority ultimately considered Ekkarat an unreliable witness. One major problem involved timing. The national Senate selection occurred on June 26, 2024.

Later, the EC announced successful senators and reserve candidates on July 10. Yet Ekkarat did not provide his crucial statement until May 28, 2025. Almost one year had passed since the events he described.

Narong therefore questioned why Ekkarat had not reported the activity earlier. In addition, the chairman highlighted his previous relationship with Bhumjaithai. At the time of the claimed events, Ekkarat remained associated with the party.

Later, Bhumjaithai expelled him following his conviction. He subsequently sought to join the Kla Tham Party. At that point, political disagreements existed between Kla Tham and Bhumjaithai.

EC questions Ekkarat’s credibility as delayed evidence and missing corroboration weaken political case

Then, on May 28, Ekkarat gave evidence acknowledging his own involvement. As part of this, he asked to become a witness instead of a respondent. The EC majority consequently treated his account with particular caution.

Narong also pointed to weaknesses in supporting evidence. Investigators found no photographs confirming the claimed meeting at Bhumjaithai headquarters. Similarly, no documentary evidence established the claimed voting-calculation programme.

Nor was there physical evidence proving Paradorn’s role in creating such a system. Importantly, investigators found no abnormal financial transactions supporting the political-assistance accusation.

Narong said Ekkarat could not establish who received money. He also could not explain how any claimed payments were made. Accordingly, the EC majority found insufficient corroboration for the political allegations.

Two other witnesses also became important. They were identified as witnesses 21/26 and 22/26. Both were serving senators and were treated as supporting witnesses.

However, both testified after witness 16/26 had already given his statement. They said they attended preparations for voting material on June 24. In parallel, they connected those preparations with arrangements described by Ekkarat.

Supporting senators give conflicting accounts before all three witnesses later withdraw their evidence

The EC nevertheless found inconsistencies between their accounts. Witness 22/26 said he belonged to a group associated with witness 16/26. He described that group as having a quota of two senators.

Those two were himself and witness 21/26. Yet Ekkarat did not identify witness 22/26 as part of his team. Instead, his original account referred to witness 21/26.

Witness 21/26 came from Khon Kaen, the same province as Ekkarat. Those differences became significant during the EC’s assessment. Moreover, witness 22/26 did not directly implicate the political respondents in organising the scheme.

Instead, he said they might have benefited because a candidate list existed. He did not know who had prepared that list. The supporting witnesses also attributed submission of names to Ekkarat.

Eventually, all three witnesses withdrew statements concerning political respondents and the financial arrangements. Narong cited those reversals as another credibility problem. He also referred to Ekkarat’s conviction and political disqualification.

Narong described the EC majority’s concerns bluntly.

“There are inconsistencies in the witness statements. Witness 22/26, for example, never mentioned that the respondent group was involved in the scheme, but testified that they likely benefited because a list was made, though they didn’t know who made it. Furthermore, they claimed that witness 16/26 was the one who submitted the names. As you can see, there’s a complete lack of inconsistency in the witness statements. All three witnesses have retracted their testimonies, denying all allegations regarding the accused’s conduct and the money trail.”

Somchai challenges witness retractions and points to phone links involving Bhumjaithai respondents

He then questioned Ekkarat’s reliability more directly.

“This witness, or the other three, was unreliable from the start. I think he gave his testimony long after the incident. And witness code 16/26 was sentenced to 11 years in prison for embezzlement and disqualified from politics due to an ethics case. We need to consider his credibility. There are inconsistencies, and the investigation into the financial transactions of all those accused found no irregularities. Phone calls may have been made, but that’s not confirmation of what they discussed,” Mr. Narong said.

Former EC commissioner Somchai has challenged the significance attached to the later retractions. His argument focuses on the reliability of a witness giving contradictory accounts.

If the original evidence was unreliable, Somchai argues, the later withdrawal does not automatically become reliable. That point does not establish Ekkarat’s original account as true. Rather, it challenges treating the retraction as proof the earlier claims were false.

Separately, Somchai highlighted evidence outside Ekkarat’s testimony. He examined records from Subcommittee 36 and focused on telephone connections involving political respondents.

According to Somchai, respondent No. 191 was a Bhumjaithai executive. Records showed telephone contact between that respondent and a successful Senate candidate, he said.

On another front, Somchai described telephone links involving respondent No. 197. That respondent was also identified as a Bhumjaithai executive. Somchai said calls passed through connections involving successful Senate candidates.

Phone records reach Newin as Somchai questions case handling and Narong rejects proof of wrongdoing

He said those connections ultimately reached respondent No. 228. Respondent No. 228 was Newin.

Somchai nevertheless identified weaknesses in the material itself. He said potentially important call information lacked sufficient dates and times. Consequently, he questioned where those evidential weaknesses had developed.

One possibility concerned Committee 26’s original investigation. Another involved how evidence was subsequently presented to Subcommittee 36. Somchai also questioned the time spent assessing the political respondents.

According to him, meetings examining 22 political respondents totalled about five-and-a-half hours. That represented roughly 15 minutes for each respondent.

Narong took a different view of the telephone evidence. He said phone contact did not prove the substance of conversations. Calls might have occurred without establishing unlawful activity.

The EC treated the Pullman Hotel allegations similarly. Witnesses referred to Newin and Anutin being present. However, Narong said the file did not establish unlawful conduct by either man.

Accordingly, allegation one was dismissed. That decision then affected allegation two. Without proven political assistance, the EC could not establish candidates knowingly received such assistance.

EC clears 140 on political assistance but sends 26 serving senators towards Supreme Court proceedings

Therefore, all 140 respondents escaped referral under allegation two. Still, proceedings against Senate participants did not end there.

Under allegation three, investigators considered 175 respondents. That allegation concerned breaches of rules governing how candidates introduced themselves during the selection.

The EC decided to send 36 people to the Supreme Court. Significantly, 26 are serving senators. One other person was an eligible participant, while nine were classified as others.

The remaining allegations concern substantially different conduct. Allegations four through seven include providing money or benefits to influence voting.

They also include providing hospitality as an inducement. Separately, they concern receiving benefits connected with becoming a candidate. Another accusation covers benefits offered or received for votes.

For those allegations, the EC identified the wider group of 77 people. Again, the same 26 serving senators are included. Another 36 were eligible Senate-selection participants.

The remaining 15 were other individuals. Thus, the EC rejected the alleged political-assistance structure while preserving substantial accusations about the selection itself.

The legal distinction is important. Evidence directly implicating political figures failed before the EC majority. Yet evidence involving scores of selection participants met the threshold for proceedings.

Twenty-six senators remain in office as withheld identities deepen scrutiny of the EC’s final ruling

For now, the 26 senators remain in office. The EC must first prepare its formal decisions and petitions. That process can take up to 60 days.

After that, the cases will move to the Supreme Court’s Election Cases Division. A crucial consequence follows if the court formally accepts petitions against sitting senators.

At that point, affected senators must stop performing their duties. Their suspension would continue until the court delivers judgment.

If ultimately found responsible, their membership would end from the suspension date. Reserve candidates could then fill vacancies under the applicable rules.

Consequently, Monday’s ruling has not removed 26 senators from the chamber. Nevertheless, their votes could disappear once the Supreme Court accepts their cases.

That could become important during future Senate business. The chamber exercises significant constitutional powers, including appointments and scrutiny involving independent bodies.

Meanwhile, the decision to withhold names has opened another dispute. Before Monday, People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu had already raised concerns about possible secrecy.

He questioned reports that the EC could disclose numbers while withholding identities. Former commissioner Somchai also demanded greater transparency before the decision.

Secret identities prevent public mapping of court-bound senators against the wider blue Senate bloc

He called for names, voting figures and individual commissioners’ positions to be disclosed. Instead, Monday’s announcement provided categories without identities.

As a result, the public knows exactly how many sitting senators face proceedings. Yet their precise position within existing Senate blocs cannot be established officially.

This matters because much of the original 229-person group had already been politically mapped. It included 138 serving senators.

Additionally, it contained 21 ministers, MPs and Bhumjaithai executives. Another 20 were described in reporting as belonging to the Bhumjaithai-linked network.

The remaining group included reserve candidates and other participants. Now, 26 investigated serving senators are heading towards court.

Yet their identities remain outside the EC announcement. That prevents immediate comparison with the so-called blue bloc.

It also prevents confirmation of whether the 26 are central figures or more peripheral participants. For that reason, claims they are merely scapegoats cannot currently be established.

People’s Party attacks EC split decision after political figures escape while 77 still face court

The Supreme Court has not examined their cases. Nor has the EC published enough information to establish their exact political positioning.

Even so, the structure of Monday’s ruling is unmistakable. The EC found grounds to proceed against Senate participants. It simultaneously rejected every political-assistance case against the accused political figures.

That divide is driving the People’s Party’s response. At about 5.45pm, Nattapong delivered the opposition’s first major attack.

He accused the EC majority of cutting the case into separate pieces. According to Nattapong, the evidence should instead be assessed as a connected operation.

The People’s Party cited candidate lists, voting statistics and financial trails. It also pointed to audio material, meetings and telephone records.

Its complaint centres on how the EC treated those pieces separately. The commission found sufficient grounds for proceedings against 77 people.

Yet none of the political figures accused of helping candidates is among them.

Nattapong weighs Section 157 action as opposition turns its attack directly onto Election Commissioners

In response, Nattapong said his party would examine proceedings against Election Commissioners themselves. Those proceedings could invoke Section 157 of the Criminal Code.

Section 157 concerns wrongful performance or omission of official duties. The party also intends to explore routes for placing cleared-person evidence before a court.

Monday’s ruling has therefore created a second possible legal battle. The first concerns the 77 respondents. The other could concern Election Commissioners.

Nattapong also raised the appointment history of the current EC. Four of the seven commissioners entered office following approval by the current Senate.

The People’s Party says that creates questions surrounding the decision. However, the party has not established wrongdoing by any commissioner.

The EC rejects claims of improper political influence. Narong said commissioners weighed evidence independently. They considered witness testimony, communications, financial material and investigative records.

Furthermore, he said public pressure did not determine their decision. The confrontation has therefore expanded beyond the original Senate defendants.

Parliament becomes next front as no-confidence threat keeps Anutin and Bhumjaithai under pressure

Parliament now represents another arena. The People’s Party says it will use parliamentary mechanisms against political office-holders connected with the controversy.

Nattapong specifically identified a no-confidence motion as one possible route. Consequently, Anutin’s escape from EC referral does not end the issue politically.

The Prime Minister has repeatedly rejected Bhumjaithai involvement. Before the 2024 selection, he said he ordered party members not to interfere.

For its part, the government has distanced itself from the EC proceedings. Government spokesman Ekkapop Pienpises said the government had no role in the investigation.

Before Monday’s ruling, Ekkapop described the matter as an independent legal process. He said the government remained focused on economic issues.

Monday’s outcome now gives Bhumjaithai a powerful legal response. The EC examined the political-assistance accusations and declined to send them to court.

Nevertheless, the opposition is attacking how the commission separated those allegations from proceedings against the 77.

iLaw evidence threat and court petitions open fresh fronts as identities of 26 senators stay hidden

Outside Parliament, another pressure point remains. Before Monday, iLaw said it could publish evidence concerning people whom the EC cleared.

That pledge has gained significance after the ruling. Most of the politically sensitive 229-person group will not reach court through Monday’s decision.

At the same time, the identities of those who will reach court remain undisclosed.

Several processes will now move forward. First, the Election Commission must prepare its formal petitions against the 77.

Next, the Supreme Court must decide whether to accept those cases. Separately, the People’s Party is examining action against commissioners.

In parallel, the Senate controversy is moving towards parliamentary scrutiny. Meanwhile, iLaw has left open the prospect of releasing evidence outside the EC process.

The next major legal milestone will come when petitions reach the Supreme Court. At that point, 26 serving senators could immediately lose their ability to vote.

However, one significant question remains unresolved before then. The EC has not told the public who those 26 senators are.

Withheld names leave Thailand unable to identify which 26 senators are heading towards the Supreme Court

That decision leaves the composition of the court-bound group unknown. It also blocks a complete assessment of their position inside the Senate.

For now, the EC has confirmed serious proceedings involving 77 people. Twenty-six are current senators. Yet every political figure accused of providing direct assistance has escaped referral.

The political-assistance evidence has therefore stopped at the Election Commission. The proceedings against the 77 have not.

At the same time, the People’s Party has opened a new fight over the EC’s conduct. Parliament could provide the next political front.

Most immediately, however, the unanswered names carry their own significance. Thailand knows 26 senators are moving towards the Supreme Court.

It still does not know which 26.

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Joseph Anthony is an expat from Ireland who has lived in Thailand for the last decade. He has worked extensively in the media including editorial positions in Ireland and Thailand. He is focused on economic and business stories in Thailand as well as the expat lifestyle.

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2026年9月14日晚上8:38

在生活、媒体、政治、泰国

泰国选举委员会在2024年参议院选举丑闻爆发近两年零三个月后，留下的疑问远多于答案。委员会将77人送交最高法院，其中包括26名现任参议员，但令人匪夷所思的是，他们中竟无人被点名。与此同时，所有被指控帮助候选人的政治人物都逃脱了法律制裁，包括总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔和泰自豪党重要人物纽因·奇乔布。如今，争议的焦点转向了选举委员会本身，人民党正在考虑采取法律行动，并在议会发起新一轮攻势。

由纳隆·克伦瓦林担任主席的泰国选举委员会将77人送交最高法院，其中包括26名未透露姓名的现任参议员。总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔和泰自豪党重要人物纽因·奇乔布则免于被送交最高法院。（来源：泰国公共电视台）

泰国选举委员会已将2024年参议院选举丑闻提交最高法院审理。然而，所有被指控协助候选人的政治人物均未被移交法院。周一的裁决将77人送上法庭，其中包括26名现任参议员。但泰自豪党（Bhumjaithai）的任何高管、部长、国会议员或政治官员均不在其中。

总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔因涉嫌政治协助而免于被移交调查。泰自豪党重要人物纽因·奇乔布也避免了诉讼程序。与此同时，选举委员会认定有充分理由对数十名参议院选举参与者提起诉讼。因此，该裁决将案件严重割裂为参与者及其被指控的政治支持者两部分。

这一决定立即引发了另一场政治斗争。人民党领袖纳塔蓬·鲁昂帕尼亚武特指责选举委员会将一个相互关联的案件拆分成一个个独立的部分。作为回应，他的政党正在考虑对选举委员会成员提起诉讼。该党还打算通过议会追究相关政治官员的责任。

选举委员会将77名候选人送交法院，但未透露姓名，因为与参议院有关联的民主党候选人今天仍受到密切关注。

正式调查的规模远超此前广泛报道的229人。整个调查涉及67名投诉人和427名被投诉人。调查档案长达75722页。尽管如此，这229人仍然是该案政治敏感的核心。

第26委员会此前已建议对全部229人提起诉讼。这些人包括138名现任参议员以及众多政界人士、前候选人和其他相关人士。此外，报告还指出，该群体中的一些人与泰自豪党（Bhumjaithai）有关联，属于一个政治网络。

周一下午，七位选举委员会委员做出最终决定。选举委员会下令对77人提起最高法院诉讼。此外，还将对该团伙成员提起刑事诉讼。

这77人包括26名现任参议员、36名其他符合参议院选举资格的候选人以及15名其他人士。值得注意的是，选举委员会并未公开他们的身份，而只是公布了人数和类别。

这一疏漏已成为周一最重要的进展之一。泰国现在知道有26名在任参议员面临最高法院的诉讼，但官方并不清楚他们究竟是哪些参议员。

在这一更广泛案件中接受调查的部分参议员此前曾与所谓的“蓝色参议院联盟”有关联。该术语通常用来指代那些被认为与泰自豪党更广泛的政治权力基础结盟的参议员。参议员本身并非正式的政党代表。

由于部分参议员姓名被隐去，26名参议员免于被选举委员会移交审查。

即便如此，这些名字仍然至关重要。没有这些名字，就无法将这26位候选人与此前公开与民主党阵营联系在一起的参议员进行比对。同样，他们的省份、职业群体和投票记录也无法进行比较。

他们被报道的政治关系也无法与最终的选举委员会名单进行核对。相比之下，那些未被提交审查的政治人物身份已经可以确定。这种差异为这场争议增添了新的因素。

选举委员会最重要的决定涉及第一项和第二项指控。第一项指控称，某些政治人物帮助候选人当选参议员。该指控依据参议院选举法第76(1)条提出。

该指控涉及21人。然而，选举委员会决定不将其中任何人提交最高法院。这些人包括与泰自豪党有关联的政治人物。阿努廷和纽因等人幸免于难。

第二项指控涉及参议院候选人，他们被控明知故犯地接受政治援助。该指控涵盖140人，其中包括137名现任参议员、1名候补候选人和2名其他符合资格的参与者。

欧盟委员会再次拒绝就该指控移交任何人。因此，这两项直接构成政治介入此案的指控均在欧盟委员会层面被驳回。一项指控涉及提供协助，另一项指控涉及接受协助。

选举委员会否认存在政治协助关联，但仍继续就针对77名候选人的参议院选举案进行诉讼。

因此，委员会驳回了被指控的政治人物与候选人之间的法律关联。然而，委员会并未就2024年参议院选举本身作出裁决。相反，针对其他指控的77人仍存在实质性诉讼程序。

这一区别如今构成了周一裁决的依据。政治协助案件已在选举委员会内部终止。涉及多名参议院议员的案件正在移交法院审理。

选举委员会主席纳隆·克兰瓦林随后对多数派的决定作出了详细解释。他解释的核心是第16/26号证人。前选举委员颂猜·斯里苏提亚空后来被确认为该证人埃卡拉特·昌劳。

埃卡拉特曾是孔敬府的泰自豪党国会议员。他于2023年代表该党赢得选举。后来，由于一起重大刑事案件，他与该党的关系破裂。

2025年4月17日，孔敬府法院就教师储蓄合作社案对他作出判决，并责令其偿还约4.05亿泰铢。次日，泰武大会将其开除出党。

之后，埃卡拉特向第26调查委员会提供了证据。他的证词意义重大，因为它直接将泰自豪党的高层人士与涉嫌的参议院行动联系起来。然而，随后他撤回了这些证据。

埃卡拉特的证词表明，泰自豪党的高层人士参与了后来撤回行动前的所谓策划。

他最初的证词描述了四件不同的事件。第一件事件与全国参议院选举前的准备工作有关。据埃卡拉特称，泰自豪党成员研究了选举规则和相关法律。

他表示，由帕拉东·普里斯南塔库尔领导的一个小组负责这些准备工作。此外，他还声称他们设计了一个程序来计算参议院的投票安排。他说，这些信息来自其他议员和泰自豪党的高层。

第二起事件据称发生在2024年6月16日至26日之间，正值全国参议院选举前夕。据埃卡拉特称，会议在曼谷的泰自豪党总部举行。

他表示，帕拉东和柴查诺·奇乔布是主要发言人之一。其他党内高层和议员也出席了会议。至关重要的是，埃卡拉特声称纽因和阿努廷主持了会议。

证人称他亲自到场。如果该证词被采纳，则表明泰自豪党的高层人物参与了调查人员所描述的筹备工作。此人否认有任何不当行为。

第三起事件据称发生在2024年6月24日，也就是全国选拔赛前两天。证词显示，埃卡拉特当时与其他人前往了阿瑜陀耶。

阿瑜陀耶的投票准备工作和普尔曼会议成为有争议的证人证词的核心。

地点位于拉贾曼加拉科技大学素万那普校区的汉特拉校区。他表示，参与者在那里准备了参议院选举的投票材料。苏克索姆鲁艾·万塔尼亚库尔和学生助理也参与了此次活动。

随后发生了第四起据称发生的事件。该事件发生在参议院投票之后。埃卡拉特称，一些盟友参议员被带到了曼谷的铂尔曼酒店。

根据他最初的说法，他们在那里接受了纽因的政策指示。这次所谓的会面成为调查中最具政治敏感性的环节之一。被告再次否认有任何不当行为。

纳隆表示，选举委员会多数成员最终认为埃卡拉特的证词不可信。一个主要问题是时间安排。全国参议院选举定于2024年6月26日举行。

随后，选举委员会于7月10日公布了当选参议员和候补候选人名单。然而，埃卡拉特直到2025年5月28日才发表他的关键声明。距离他所描述的事件已经过去了将近一年。

因此，纳隆质疑埃卡拉特为何没有更早报告此事。此外，主席还强调了他此前与泰自豪党的关系。在所声称的事件发生时，埃卡拉特仍与该党保持联系。

后来，他被定罪后，被武姆贾泰党开除。随后，他试图加入克拉坦党。当时，克拉坦党和武姆贾泰党之间存在政治分歧。

选举委员会质疑埃卡拉特的可信度，因为证据迟迟未到且缺乏佐证，削弱了其政治主张。

随后，在5月28日，埃卡拉特出庭作证，承认自己参与了此案。为此，他请求以证人身份而非被告身份出庭作证。因此，选举委员会多数成员对他的证词格外谨慎。

纳隆还指出，佐证材料存在薄弱环节。调查人员没有找到任何照片证实所谓在泰自豪党总部举行的会议。同样，也没有任何书面证据证实所谓投票计算程序的存在。

也没有物证证明帕拉多恩参与创建了这样的系统。更重要的是，调查人员没有发现任何异常的金融交易来支持政治援助的指控。

纳隆表示，埃卡拉特无法确定谁收到了钱，也无法解释任何声称的款项是如何支付的。因此，选举委员会多数成员认为这些政治指控缺乏足够的佐证。

另外两名证人也变得至关重要。他们被确认为证人21/26和22/26。两人都是在任参议员，被视为辅助证人。

然而，两人都是在证人16/26作证之后才作证的。他们表示，他们参加了6月24日的投票材料准备工作。同时，他们将这些准备工作与埃卡拉特描述的安排联系起来。

支持他们的参议员们给出了相互矛盾的说法，之后三名证人全部撤回了他们的证词。

然而，选举委员会发现他们的证词存在矛盾之处。证人22/26称他隶属于一个与证人16/26有关联的团体。他描述该团体拥有两名参议员的席位。

那两人分别是他本人和证人21/26。然而，埃卡拉特并没有将证人22/26列为他的团队成员。相反，他最初的证词中只提到了证人21/26。

证人21/26来自孔敬府，与埃卡拉特府同属一个省份。这些差异在选举委员会的评估过程中变得尤为显著。此外，证人22/26并未直接指控政治参与者组织了该计划。

相反，他表示，他们可能从中受益，是因为存在一份候选人名单。他不知道是谁拟定的这份名单。支持他的证人也认为，提交名单的人是埃卡拉特。

最终，三名证人均撤回了有关政治事务和财务安排的证词。纳隆认为这些证词的转变是另一个可信度问题。他还提到了埃卡拉特的定罪和政治资格取消。

纳隆直言不讳地描述了选举委员会多数派的担忧。

“证人证词存在前后矛盾之处。例如，证人22/26从未提及被告集团参与该计划，但却作证称他们可能从中获益，因为有人制作了一份名单，尽管他们不知道是谁制作的。此外，他们还声称是证人16/26提交了名单。正如你所见，证人证词前后完全一致。所有三名证人都已撤回证词，否认了所有关于被告行为和资金流向的指控。”

颂猜质疑证人撤回证词，并指出与Bhumjaithai宾客有关的电话联系。

然后，他更直接地质疑了埃卡拉特的可靠性。

“这位证人，或者说其他三位证人，从一开始就不可信。我认为他是在事发很久之后才作证的。而且，证人编号16/26曾因挪用公款被判处11年监禁，并因道德案件被取消政治资格。我们需要考虑他的可信度。证词前后矛盾，而对所有被告财务交易的调查并未发现任何违规行为。或许他们之间有过通话，但这并不能证实他们讨论了什么，”纳隆先生说道。

前欧盟委员会委员颂猜对后来撤回证词的重要性提出了质疑。他的论点集中在证人前后矛盾的证词的可靠性上。

颂猜认为，即使最初的证据不可靠，后来的撤回声明也并非自动变得可靠。这一点并不能证明埃卡拉特最初的说法是正确的，而是质疑将撤回声明视为先前说法错误的证据。

此外，颂猜还强调了埃卡拉特证词之外的证据。他查阅了第36小组委员会的记录，重点关注涉及政治人物的电话联系。

颂猜表示，第191号被告是泰自豪党的一名高管。记录显示，该被告曾与一位当选参议员的候选人有过电话联系。

另一方面，颂猜描述了与第197号被告有关的电话联系。该被告也被确认为泰自豪党的一名高管。颂猜表示，这些电话是通过与一些已当选的参议院候选人有关的人员接听的。

电话记录传到了纽因耳中，颂猜质疑案件处理方式，而纳隆则拒绝承认有不当行为。

他说，这些联系最终传到了第 228 号被告那里。第 228 号被告是纽因。

然而，颂猜指出材料本身存在缺陷。他表示，一些可能很重要的通话信息缺乏足够的日期和时间信息。因此，他质疑这些证据上的缺陷究竟从何而来。

其中一种可能性与第26委员会的最初调查有关。另一种可能性则与随后向第36小组委员会提交证据的方式有关。颂猜还质疑了评估政治问题所花费的时间。

据他所说，对22名政治参与者的调查会议总共持续了约五个半小时。这意味着每位受访者平均接受调查约15分钟。

纳隆对电话证据持不同看法。他认为，电话联系并不能证明谈话内容的实质。通话的发生并不意味着存在非法活动。

选举委员会对铂尔曼酒店事件的处理方式类似。证人称纽因和阿努廷当时在场。然而，纳隆表示，案卷并未证实两人存在违法行为。

因此，第一项指控被驳回。该决定随后影响到第二项指控。由于缺乏已证实的政治援助，选举委员会无法认定候选人明知故犯地接受了此类援助。

选举委员会批准了140项政治援助指控，但将26名现任参议员送上最高法院的诉讼程序。

因此，所有140名候选人都免于因第二项指控而被提交调查。然而，针对参议院参与者的诉讼程序并未就此结束。

第三项指控涉及175名男性候选人。该指控与候选人在选拔过程中自我介绍方式违反相关规定有关。

选举委员会决定向最高法院派遣36人。值得注意的是，其中26人是现任参议员。另有一人符合参选资格，其余九人被归类为其他人员。

其余指控涉及截然不同的行为。第四至第七项指控包括提供金钱或利益以影响投票。

这些指控还包括以提供款待作为诱因。此外，还涉及接受与成为候选人相关的利益。另一项指控则涵盖为换取选票而提供或接受利益的行为。

针对这些指控，选举委员会确认了涉及77人的更大范围的群体。其中同样包括26名现任参议员。另有36人是符合参议员选举资格的参与者。

其余15人为其他个人。因此，选举委员会驳斥了所谓的政治协助结构，但保留了对选举本身的大量指控。

法律上的区别至关重要。直接牵涉政治人物的证据在欧盟委员会多数派面前未能成立。然而，涉及数十名遴选参与者的证据却达到了启动诉讼程序的门槛。

由于部分参议员的身份信息未被公开，26名参议员仍将继续留任，这使得人们对选举委员会的最终裁决更加关注。

目前，这26名参议员仍将继续留任。选举委员会必须先准备好正式的决定和请愿书。这个过程可能需要长达60天。

之后，这些案件将移交至最高法院选举案件庭。如果最高法院正式受理针对现任参议员的请愿，将会产生至关重要的后果。

届时，受影响的参议员必须停止履行职责。他们的停职将持续到法院作出判决为止。

如果最终认定其负有责任，其会员资格将从暂停之日起终止。候补候选人随后可根据适用规则填补空缺。

因此，周一的裁决并未将26名参议员逐出参议院。然而，一旦最高法院受理他们的案件，他们的投票权可能会失效。

这在未来的参议院事务中可能至关重要。参议院行使着重要的宪法权力，包括任命官员和对独立机构进行审查。

与此同时，不公布名单的决定引发了另一场争议。此前，人民党议员帕里特·瓦查拉辛杜（Parit Wacharasindhu）就曾对可能存在的保密行为表示担忧。

他质疑有关选举委员会可以在掌握身份信息的情况下披露相关数字的报道。前委员颂猜也要求在做出决定前提高透明度。

保密身份使得公众无法将即将出庭的参议员与更广泛的民主党参议院联盟进行对比。

他要求公开委员姓名、投票数和具体职位。然而，周一的公告只提供了委员类别，并未提及任何个人身份信息。

因此，公众确切地知道有多少现任参议员面临调查。然而，他们在现有参议院党团中的具体位置却无法正式确定。

这一点很重要，因为最初的229人小组中，许多人的政治立场早已确定。其中包括138名现任参议员。

此外，名单中还包括21名部长、国会议员和泰自豪党高管。另有报道称，还有20人与泰自豪党有关联。

其余人员包括候补候选人和其他参与者。目前，26名接受调查的现任参议员即将对簿公堂。

然而，欧盟委员会的公告中并未透露他们的身份。这使得他们无法立即与所谓的“蓝色阵营”进行比较。

这也使得我们无法确认这26人是核心人物还是边缘人物。因此，目前还无法证实他们只是替罪羊的说法。

人民党抨击选举委员会分裂的决定，此前一些政治人物逃脱了审判，而77人仍面临审判。

最高法院尚未审理他们的案件。选举委员会也没有公布足够的信息来确定他们的确切政治立场。

即便如此，周一裁决的结构依然清晰明确。选举委员会找到了对参议院成员采取行动的理由，同时驳回了所有针对这些政治人物的政治协助指控。

这种分歧正是人民党做出回应的原因。下午5点45分左右，纳塔蓬发动了反对派的第一次重大攻击。

他指责选举委员会多数成员将案件割裂开来。纳塔蓬则认为，证据应该作为一个整体来评估。

人民党援引了候选人名单、投票统计数据和财务记录，还指出了录音资料、会议记录和电话记录。

其投诉主要集中在欧盟委员会对这些案件的处理方式上。委员会认为有充分理由对77人提起诉讼。

然而，被指控帮助候选人的政治人物中，没有一人位列其中。

纳塔蓬正在考虑启动第157条法令，反对派则将攻击矛头直接指向选举委员会。

对此，纳塔蓬表示，他的政党将审查针对选举委员会成员的诉讼程序。这些诉讼程序可能援引《刑法》第157条。

第157条涉及渎职或不作为。该党还打算探索将已获清白人员的证据提交法庭的途径。

因此，周一的裁决可能引发第二场法律纠纷。第一场纠纷涉及77名被告。另一场纠纷可能涉及选举委员会。

纳塔蓬还提到了现任选举委员会的任命历史。七名委员中有四名是在现任参议院批准后上任的。

人民党表示，这引发了人们对该决定的质疑。然而，该党并未证实任何委员存在不当行为。

选举委员会驳斥了有关存在不正当政治干预的指控。纳隆表示，委员们独立权衡了证据，并考虑了证人证词、通信记录、财务资料和调查记录。

此外，他还表示，公众压力并未影响他们的决定。因此，这场对抗已经扩大到最初参议院被告之外的各方。

议会成为下一个战场，不信任动议威胁持续给阿努廷和泰自豪党带来压力。

议会现在代表着另一个战场。人民党表示，将利用议会机制对卷入这场争议的政治官员采取行动。

纳塔蓬明确指出，发起不信任动议是可能的途径之一。因此，阿努廷虽然逃脱了选举委员会的审查，但政治上这个问题并未就此结束。

总理多次否认泰自豪党参与其中。他表示，在2024年大选前，他已指示党内成员不得干预。

政府方面则已表明与欧盟委员会调查无关。政府发言人埃卡波普·皮恩皮塞斯表示，政府并未参与调查。

在周一的裁决之前，埃卡波普称此事是一个独立的法律程序。他还表示，政府仍将专注于经济问题。

周一的裁决结果赋予了泰自豪党强有力的法律反击。选举委员会审查了有关政治协助的指控，并拒绝将其提交法院审理。

然而，反对派抨击委员会将这些指控与针对 77 人的诉讼程序分开的做法。

iLaw证据威胁和法庭请愿书开辟了新的战线，而26名参议员的身份仍然隐藏。

议会之外，另一个压力点依然存在。周一之前，iLaw曾表示，它可能会公布一些已被选举委员会澄清的人的相关证据。

裁决之后，这项承诺的意义更加重大。由于周一的裁决，这个由229人组成的、政治敏感的团体中的大多数人将无法出庭受审。

与此同时，那些将要出庭受审的人的身份仍然保密。

接下来将推进多项程序。首先，选举委员会必须准备针对这77名候选人的正式请愿书。

接下来，最高法院必须决定是否受理这些案件。此外，人民党正在研究对委员们采取行动的方案。

与此同时，参议院的争议正转向议会审查。此外，iLaw公司并未排除在欧盟委员会程序之外公布证据的可能性。

下一个重要的法律里程碑将是请愿书提交至最高法院之时。届时，26名现任参议员可能立即失去投票权。

然而，在此之前，还有一个重要问题尚未解决。选举委员会尚未向公众公布这26位参议员的身份。

由于隐去姓名，泰国无法确定是哪26名参议员即将前往最高法院。

这一决定使得出庭受审的团体组成人员不明，也阻碍了对其在参议院地位的全面评估。

目前，欧盟委员会已确认对77人展开严重调查，其中26人是现任参议员。然而，所有被指控提供直接协助的政治人物都逃脱了移交调查的命运。

因此，有关政治协助的证据调查已在选举委员会阶段终止。但对那77人的诉讼程序并未停止。

与此同时，人民党就欧盟委员会的行为发起了新的斗争。议会可能成为下一个政治战场。

然而，最直接的意义在于，这些未公布的名字本身就具有重要意义。泰国方面知道，有26名参议员正准备向最高法院发起挑战。

它仍然不知道是哪 26。

在选举委员会就爆炸性的参议院勾结丑闻案件进行投票之前，有人向其发出了挑战。

前为泰党部长警告欧盟委员会成员，关键投票即将到来，他们可能很快就会受到评判。

前总理兼民主党领袖指出，公众对选举委员会缺乏信任。

阿披实转而积极支持反对派揭露2024年参议院选举中大规模勾结行为的努力。

参议院选举舞弊案将于8月迎来最终决战，选举委员会将做出最终决定。

阿努廷总理和泰自豪党就参议院选举指控提起诉讼，这是该党面临的新战线。

反对派和证人呼吁将参议院串谋案提交法院审理，与此同时，选举委员会正在就一起重大案件作出决定。

前官员提交警方报告，揭露2024年参议院选举背后存在巨大阴谋的新证据

强有力的视频证据让饱受争议的选举委员会在参议院勾结指控案中面临更大的压力

反对党和人民党领导人在2014年政变12周年之际抨击“蓝色政权”。

泰国国立法政大学法学学者、1992年抗议活动领导人警告称，不能排除再次发生政变的可能性。

未来几周，由于参议院串谋阴谋案已提交宪法法院请愿书，政府岌岌可危。

约瑟夫·安东尼是一位来自爱尔兰的侨民，过去十年一直居住在泰国。他曾在爱尔兰和泰国的媒体行业担任过编辑职务，拥有丰富的媒体从业经验。他主要关注泰国的经济和商业新闻，以及侨民的生活方式。

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