Digital Minister (36) and heir to the powerful Chidchob dynasty has a fortune of hundreds of millions数字部长(36岁)是强大的奇德乔布王朝的继承人,拥有数亿美元的财富。
From Buriram heir to Cabinet minister, Chaichanok Chidchob’s rise has been rapid. At 36, he declares ฿161.92m in assets, including an ฿8m Bentley and ฿26.95m… Read More ›
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September 23, 2026 at 1:28 pm
in Living , Media , Politics , Thailand
At just 36, Digital Economy and Society Minister Chaichanok Chidchob has shot from first-time MP to Bhumjaithai secretary-general and Cabinet minister. Now, a National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) filing has exposed the extraordinary wealth behind his rise: ฿161.92 million in assets, an ฿8 million Bentley and nearly ฿27 million in luxury watches. Yet the fortune largely predates politics. The eldest son of influential Buriram powerbroker Newin Chidchob is meanwhile carving out his own profile through the ฿1.6 billion TH-AI programme. It has drawn more than 1.4 million registrations while facing opposition and state scrutiny over procurement. Behind the political ascent lies an equally unusual personal story spanning separation from his biological mother, 17 years in Britain, military service, e-sports and one of Thailand’s most powerful political families.
Digital Minister Chaichanok Chidchob, 36, declares ฿161.92m in assets, including an ฿8m Bentley and ฿27m in watches, as his ฿1.6bn TH-AI project faces scrutiny. ( Source: Matichon )
Digital Economy and Society Minister Chaichanok Chidchob is emerging as a major figure in Thailand’s Bhumjaithai-led government. At 36, he already occupies two powerful positions. He is a Cabinet minister and secretary-general of the ruling Bhumjaithai Party. Moreover, he is the eldest son of Newin Chidchob, the political heavyweight synonymous with Bhumjaithai’s Buriram heartland.
His rise has been exceptionally fast. Chaichanok entered Parliament for the first time after the May 2023 general election. Within a year, Bhumjaithai appointed him secretary-general. Then, in September 2025, he entered Cabinet under Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul. Subsequently, he retained the Digital Economy and Society portfolio following the February 2026 general election. Today, he is the youngest minister in Anutin’s Cabinet.
However, another side of the young politician came into sharp focus this week. On Tuesday, September 22, the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) published his latest statutory assets declaration. The filing puts Chaichanok’s personal assets at precisely ฿161,920,281.20. It also confirms that the 36-year-old politician is single.
NACC filing details ฿161.92 million fortune with land, luxury cars and a prized ฿8 million Bentley
The declaration provides a detailed picture of his wealth. Chaichanok reported ฿1.5 million in cash and ฿60.49 million across 10 bank accounts. Meanwhile, his investments were valued at ฿13.07 million. He also declared 10 plots of land in Bangkok and Buriram worth ฿24.93 million. Additionally, interests in two homes in Bangkok’s Lat Krabang district were valued at ฿3.63 million.
Rights and concessions account for another ฿18.94 million. Yet some of the most striking entries concern his garage and watch collection. Chaichanok declared five cars and one motorcycle worth a combined ฿12.4 million. At the top of that list sits an ฿8 million Bentley Continental GT V8 4.0.
Alongside it, Chaichanok declared a Toyota Alphard worth ฿1.5 million. A Toyota Fortuner carries a declared value of ฿1.4 million. Furthermore, two Toyota Hilux Revo pickups were each valued at ฿600,000. Finally, his Ducati Multistrada 1200 Enduro motorcycle was valued at ฿300,000.
Even so, the Bentley is not his most valuable declared luxury possession. His five watches carry a combined valuation of ฿26.95 million. Indeed, one Richard Mille alone is worth more than the Bentley on the NACC declaration.
Five luxury watches worth ฿26.95 million dwarf annual salary as wealth remains broadly unchanged
The collection contains two Patek Philippe watches and three Richard Mille models. His Patek Philippe Nautilus 5712/A Moon Phase is valued at ฿1.4 million. Separately, a Patek Philippe Aquanaut Travel Time 5164A-001 carries a ฿1.55 million valuation.
The three Richard Mille watches are considerably more expensive. An RM35-03 Automatic Rafael Nadal is valued at ฿8 million. Another RM61-01 Limited Edition is listed at ฿5.5 million. Most notably, an RM65-01 Chronograph Rose Gold carries a declared value of ฿10.5 million.
Against that, his reported annual income is comparatively modest. Chaichanok declared ฿1,362,720 in yearly income, entirely from salary. His annual personal expenditure was put at ฿600,000.
Nevertheless, those figures require important context. The NACC declaration does not show Chaichanok becoming wealthy after entering politics. Instead, almost his entire present fortune was already disclosed when he first entered Parliament.
Following the 2023 election, Chaichanok declared assets totalling ฿161,625,029.76. At that point, he also reported an overdraft liability of ฿19,934.24. Consequently, his gross declared assets have increased by only about ฿295,000 over three years.
The composition has changed more noticeably. In 2023, Chaichanok reported ฿50.54 million in bank deposits. Today, that figure stands at ฿60.49 million. By comparison, investments previously stood at ฿12.99 million and land at ฿24.11 million. His vehicles were then valued at ฿14.5 million.
Earlier filing shows watches and Bentley predate Cabinet career as Chidchob legacy comes into view
Crucially, his luxury watches are not recent acquisitions. All five appeared in the 2023 declaration. Furthermore, their combined declared value was already ฿26.95 million. His Bentley also appeared in that filing. Therefore, the latest disclosure exposes longstanding wealth rather than a sudden increase after entering government.
At the same time, the filing adds considerable colour to an unusual political profile. Chaichanok was born in Buriram on July 14, 1990. He represents the third generation of one of Thailand’s most prominent provincial political families. Yet much of his childhood and early adult life unfolded thousands of kilometres from Buriram.
His late grandfather, Chai Chidchob, reached the highest levels of parliamentary politics. He served as House Speaker and President of Parliament. Meanwhile, Chaichanok’s uncle Saksayam Chidchob became Bhumjaithai secretary-general. Saksayam subsequently served as Transport Minister.
Above all, there is his father, Newin Chidchob. Newin formally withdrew from frontline politics years ago. Afterwards, he concentrated on business, football and motor racing interests centred on Buriram. Despite holding no formal Bhumjaithai position, his influence around the party remains widely recognised.
Chaichanok himself has acknowledged that influence. Earlier this year, he described Newin as “the power behind us”. However, he rejected suggestions that his father dictates every Bhumjaithai decision.
“I’m not going to deny that he has influence on us,” Chaichanok said. At the same time, he stressed that father and son sometimes disagree.
Newin’s influence looms over Bhumjaithai as Chaichanok acknowledges his father’s political weight
The family is closely associated with Thailand’s “Baan Yai”, or “Big House”, political tradition. The term describes powerful provincial families supported by deep electoral networks. However, Chaichanok’s personal upbringing was far removed from a conventional political apprenticeship.
His biological parents separated when he was extremely young. In June, Chaichanok publicly discussed the subject after his mother entered political debate. He said Newin and his biological mother divorced when he was approximately two or three years old.
As a result, Chaichanok was not raised by his biological mother. Instead, Karuna Chidchob brought him up from childhood. Chaichanok said he was too young to remember his parents separating. He also acknowledged having virtually no relationship with his biological mother.
At one point, Chaichanok asked his father about her. However, he sensed that Newin was uncomfortable discussing the subject. Accordingly, the son decided not to press him further.
Later, Chaichanok learned that his biological mother had established another family. He said he had neither met nor spoken with her. Still, as he grew older, he followed information about her wellbeing. He said she appeared comfortable and remained in a long-standing relationship.
When the matter surfaced publicly, Chaichanok made one specific request. He asked that his biological mother not be dragged into political attacks against him. Thus, the episode exposed an intensely private element of the Chidchob family story.
Chaichanok reveals he was raised by Karuna after losing contact with his biological mother in childhood
Soon afterwards in his childhood, another separation from home followed. At about eight years old, Chaichanok was sent to Britain. He would spend approximately 17 years there.
During that period, he attended Millfield School in England. Later, he studied economics and finance at a London university. However, he did not complete that degree. Chaichanok has also openly acknowledged repeating academic years and changing schools.
Eventually, he returned to Thailand aged around 25. Thereafter, his life changed direction again. Chaichanok volunteered for military service, an experience he later described as life-changing and eye-opening.
Following military service, he completed a bachelor’s degree in political science at Chalermkarnchana University in Buriram. Politics, however, was not his immediate destination. Instead, he became involved in the Chidchob family’s extensive sporting operations.
Those interests included Buriram United Football Club and Chang International Circuit. In parallel, Chaichanok developed a strong interest in technology, gaming and competitive e-sports. At 29, he founded Buriram United E-sports and became its chief executive.
That experience is particularly relevant to his present Cabinet portfolio. Unlike many career politicians, Chaichanok arrived with direct experience of gaming and digital entertainment. Nevertheless, his formal political career did not begin until 2022.
That year, he joined Bhumjaithai. Then, in May 2023, he contested Buriram constituency 2. He won and entered the House of Representatives for the first time.
Seventeen years in Britain led to military service, Buriram sports, e-sports and a political career
Barely ten months later, another promotion followed. In March 2024, Bhumjaithai appointed the 33-year-old MP as secretary-general. He replaced his uncle Saksayam in one of the party’s most important organisational posts.
Notably, Chaichanok did not deny that his family background helped him. “Being a political heir is a big plus,” he told reporters. However, he said he was prepared to prove himself. Ultimately, he said party members and supporters could judge his performance.
His ascent accelerated again in September 2025. Bhumjaithai leader Anutin Charnvirakul became Prime Minister with crucial parliamentary support from the People’s Party. That support formed part of an agreement that included constitutional reform.
Against this backdrop, Chaichanok entered Cabinet as Digital Economy and Society Minister. The appointment immediately gave the young Bhumjaithai secretary-general a national platform. More importantly, it placed him in charge of one of Thailand’s fastest-changing policy areas.
Then came the February 2026 general election. Chaichanok returned to Parliament as Bhumjaithai’s No.2 party-list candidate. Afterwards, Anutin retained him at the Digital Economy and Society Ministry.
His rapid rise has inevitably fuelled discussion about his future within Bhumjaithai. Thai PBS World has described Chaichanok as the party’s “heir apparent”. Other reporting has similarly characterised him as a political heir within the Chidchob dynasty.
Rapid promotion takes Chaichanok from first-time MP to party secretary-general and Cabinet minister
However, there is no formal party designation making Chaichanok Anutin’s successor. Bhumjaithai has announced no succession arrangement. Even so, his existing positions place him close to the party’s organisational centre.
The political picture is straightforward. Chaichanok is Newin’s eldest son and Bhumjaithai’s secretary-general. At the same time, he controls an important Cabinet ministry. His father, meanwhile, remains closely associated with the party’s Buriram power base.
Unsurprisingly, Chaichanok’s relationship with Anutin attracts persistent attention. There have been periodic reports of disagreements involving the Prime Minister, Chaichanok and Newin. In response, Chaichanok has publicly played down suggestions of a serious rupture.
In July, he described Anutin and his father as personally close. Furthermore, he said disagreements between them were normal. He stressed that their long-standing relationship remained based on trust.
Personal links between the families remain visible as well. In June, Anutin presided over the Bangkok wedding of Chaichanok’s younger brother, Chanchanok Chidchob. Meanwhile, Chaichanok has increasingly established a national political profile independent of both men.
Artificial intelligence has become his principal vehicle for doing so.
Anutin ties draw attention as Chaichanok builds his own national profile through artificial intelligence
Since taking office, Chaichanok has made AI adoption a defining feature of his ministerial tenure. In particular, his flagship TH-AI Passport programme carries a budget of approximately ฿1.6 billion. The programme aims to give up to five million Thais access to advanced generative AI technology.
Beyond access, the scheme includes training. Its target groups include students, workers, entrepreneurs and government personnel. Members of the wider public can also participate.
By its August launch, the platform involved more than 14 technology providers. Additionally, users could access more than 30 AI models. The project also incorporates a “Learn, Earn, Plern” approach designed to encourage practical skills.
According to the ministry, the programme extends beyond subsidising AI subscriptions. Instead, officials want users to acquire practical experience with rapidly developing technology. Chaichanok has repeatedly argued that widespread AI access is essential for Thailand’s competitiveness.
Registration opened on August 19. By August 28, more than 1.3 million people had registered. Subsequently, the platform began full operation on August 31.
By September 2, cumulative registrations had reached 1,455,289. Around the same period, approximately four million AI prompts had been recorded. Consequently, Chaichanok gained substantial headline numbers when defending his signature project.
TH-AI Passport targets five million users as registrations surge past 1.4 million after its August launch
However, those registration numbers tell only part of the story. Approximately 450,000 active users were initially reported on August 31. Thereafter, updated active-user figures stopped being publicly supplied.
Thai PBS reported that the responsible agency had not received later figures from the contractor. Therefore, registrations cannot automatically be described as regular active users. In addition, registrations remain considerably below the programme’s five-million ceiling.
Chaichanok has acknowledged slower registrations and Thailand’s continuing digital divide. Even so, TH-AI has already become the defining programme of his Cabinet career.
At the same time, it has become his biggest political controversy.
Opposition politicians have repeatedly questioned the ฿1.6 billion procurement. Their questions cover the timetable, tender specifications and selection of the successful consortium. Specifically, People’s Party MP Pawoot Pongvitayapanu questioned whether some requirements were unusually restrictive.
Opposition MPs also challenged the speed of the procurement. On another front, they examined requirements involving digital advertising screens in convenience stores. They also raised claims of business connections involving companies previously awarded work by Bhumjaithai-controlled ministries.
These remain opposition claims and questions. They are not findings that Chaichanok manipulated the procurement.
Active-user figures stop as opposition MPs intensify scrutiny of the ฿1.6 billion TH-AI procurement
The successful TH Consortium involved Turnkey Communication Services and Human Intelligent. Significantly, Chaichanok subsequently acknowledged personally knowing the successful bidder. However, he denied participating in the procurement process.
Faced with criticism, the minister also rejected claims that the tender was rushed. Chaichanok said preparations had actually started months earlier. According to him, the overall process took approximately five months.
As part of this defence, he said the procurement included legally required public consultation. He also insisted that the project remained open to examination.
Separately, Chaichanok has defended the programme’s economics. He calculated its cost at approximately ฿27 per participant each month. Furthermore, he argued that centralised procurement could strengthen Thai data sovereignty.
Yet opposition scrutiny continued as implementation gathered pace.
On September 1, People’s Party MP Rakchanok Srinok submitted material concerning TH-AI to the NACC. She requested an investigation involving five people connected with the project.
Her submission questioned whether tender specifications favoured a particular private bidder. Again, those claims remain matters submitted for investigation. They are not established findings against Chaichanok.
Chaichanok admits knowing successful bidder but denies any role in procurement as NACC scrutiny follows
Three weeks later, another challenge followed. On September 21, Democrat Party deputy leader Karndee Leopairote approached the State Audit Office. She also requested scrutiny of the ฿1.6 billion programme.
Consequently, TH-AI now presents two sharply contrasting sets of facts. It has attracted more than 1.4 million registrations. However, its procurement remains under sustained political and institutional scrutiny.
For Chaichanok, the controversy has also highlighted his political style. He has not avoided public confrontation over the programme. Instead, he has defended its procurement, cost and objectives directly.
More recently, Chaichanok reflected publicly on his first year in Cabinet. He said the experience had taught him greater patience. He also referred to learning how to handle criticism and misunderstanding.
Away from government, his private life remains comparatively guarded. The NACC declaration formally records him as single. Nevertheless, Thai media interest in his relationship status has become substantial enough to feature in long-form interviews.
There is also another unusual strand to his personal history. Chaichanok has spoken about previously considering remaining permanently in the monkhood. He said he once believed he had relinquished many personal attachments.
State Audit Office scrutiny adds pressure as Chaichanok defends TH-AI after his first Cabinet year
By contrast, his NACC declaration documents an extensive collection of valuable possessions. There is the ฿8 million Bentley Continental GT. There is also the Ducati motorcycle and almost ฿27 million in luxury watches.
Beyond those items, Chaichanok owns 10 plots of land and interests in two houses. He has ฿60.49 million spread across 10 bank accounts. His investments, meanwhile, are valued at ฿13.07 million.
Altogether, his declared assets stand at ฿161.92 million. Yet those possessions largely predate his ministerial career. Indeed, his overall declared wealth has barely moved since he entered Parliament.
Politically, however, almost everything has changed.
In 2023, Chaichanok was a first-time Buriram MP. One year later, he was Bhumjaithai secretary-general. Then came a Cabinet seat in 2025.
By 2026, he was running a ฿1.6 billion national AI programme. At the same time, opposition MPs were taking questions about that programme to independent state bodies.
Meanwhile, the Chidchob family remains deeply embedded in Bhumjaithai’s political story. Chaichanok’s grandfather reached the presidency of Parliament. His uncle ran the party organisation and later controlled the Transport Ministry.
Political ascent outpaces changes in wealth as the Chidchob family remains deeply linked to Bhumjaithai
His father became one of the defining political figures in Buriram. Now Chaichanok himself occupies the Bhumjaithai secretary-general’s office.
Nevertheless, his route there remains highly unusual.
He was not raised by his biological mother after his parents separated. Instead, Karuna Chidchob raised him from childhood. Then, at eight, he left Thailand and spent roughly 17 years in Britain.
His academic career included setbacks, repeated years and changes of school. After returning home, he volunteered for military service. Later came university in Buriram, football, motor racing and e-sports.
Only then did electoral politics begin.
Chaichanok joined Bhumjaithai in 2022. He entered Parliament in 2023 and became party secretary-general in 2024. The following year, he entered Cabinet.
Now his political position sits at the intersection of several important forces inside Bhumjaithai. Anutin remains party leader and Prime Minister. Newin remains an influential figure around the Buriram political network.
From an unusual childhood to Britain and e-sports, Chaichanok reaches the centre of Bhumjaithai politics
Chaichanok, meanwhile, holds the party’s secretary-generalship and an increasingly prominent Cabinet portfolio. Accordingly, his advancement has strengthened perceptions that he represents Bhumjaithai’s next political generation.
Still, that future remains unwritten. There is no formal declaration that he will eventually lead Bhumjaithai. Nor has Anutin announced any succession plan.
What is established is already substantial.
At 36, Chaichanok has spent only three years in Parliament. Yet he already holds one of Bhumjaithai’s most important party posts. He also controls Thailand’s Digital Economy and Society Ministry.
Furthermore, his signature programme is attempting to put advanced AI technology into millions of Thai hands. That same ฿1.6 billion programme is also facing scrutiny over its procurement.
Now the latest NACC filing adds another dimension. It documents the Bentley, Ducati, land, houses and investment portfolio. It also details two Patek Philippes and three Richard Milles. Yet the numbers deliver a clear historical comparison.
Chaichanok entered Parliament in 2023 declaring approximately ฿161.63 million in assets. Three years later, he declared approximately ฿161.92 million.
Therefore, his reported fortune has changed little during his extraordinary political ascent. His position inside Thai politics has changed dramatically.
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Joseph Anthony is an expat from Ireland who has lived in Thailand for the last decade. He has worked extensively in the media including editorial positions in Ireland and Thailand. He is focused on economic and business stories in Thailand as well as the expat lifestyle.
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2026年9月23日下午1点28分
在生活、媒体、政治、泰国
年仅36岁的数字经济与社会部长猜占诺·奇乔布(Chaichanok Chidchob)从一名初次当选的国会议员一路晋升为泰自豪党(Bhumjaithai)秘书长和内阁部长。如今,国家反腐败委员会(NACC)的一份文件揭露了他崛起背后的巨额财富:1.6192亿泰铢的资产、一辆价值800万泰铢的宾利豪车以及近2700万泰铢的名表。然而,这笔财富大多在他步入政坛之前就已经积累。与此同时,这位武里南府权势人物纽因·奇乔布(Newin Chidchob)的长子正通过耗资16亿泰铢的“TH-AI”项目打造自己的政治生涯。该项目已吸引了超过140万人注册,但同时也面临着反对派和政府对采购流程的审查。在他政治生涯的背后,是一段同样不寻常的个人经历:与生母分离、在英国生活17年、服兵役、参与电子竞技以及出身于泰国最有权势的政治家族之一。
现年36岁的数字部长柴查诺·奇乔布申报了价值1.6192亿泰铢的资产,其中包括一辆价值800万泰铢的宾利汽车和价值2700万泰铢的手表。与此同时,他价值16亿泰铢的泰国人工智能项目(TH-AI)正面临审查。(来源:Matichon)
数字经济与社会部长猜占诺·奇乔布(Chaichanok Chidchob)正在成为泰国泰自豪党领导的政府中的重要人物。年仅36岁的他已身兼两职:既是内阁部长,又是执政党泰自豪党的秘书长。此外,他还是泰自豪党核心地区武里南府的政治重量级人物纽因·奇乔布(Newin Chidchob)的长子。
他的晋升速度惊人。猜查诺在2023年5月的大选后首次进入国会。不到一年,泰自豪党就任命他为秘书长。随后,在2025年9月,他进入阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔总理领导的内阁。在2026年2月的大选后,他继续担任数字经济和社会部长。如今,他是阿努廷内阁中最年轻的部长。
然而,这位年轻政治家的另一面在本周引起了广泛关注。9月22日星期二,国家反腐败委员会(NACC)公布了他最新的法定资产申报表。申报表显示,柴查诺的个人资产总额为161,920,281.20泰铢。申报表还证实,这位36岁的政治家目前单身。
国家反贪污委员会(NACC)的文件详细披露了其价值1.6192亿泰铢的财富,其中包括土地、豪车和一辆价值800万泰铢的宾利汽车。
这份申报表详细列出了他的财富情况。柴查诺申报的现金为150万泰铢,银行账户存款总额为6049万泰铢。同时,他的投资价值1307万泰铢。他还申报了位于曼谷和武里南府的10块土地,价值2493万泰铢。此外,他在曼谷拉卡邦区的两处房产的权益价值为363万泰铢。
权利和特许权又占了1894万泰铢。然而,最引人注目的莫过于他的车库和腕表收藏。柴查诺申报了五辆汽车和一辆摩托车,总价值1240万泰铢。其中最引人注目的是一辆价值800万泰铢的宾利欧陆GT V8 4.0。
此外,柴查诺克申报了一辆价值150万泰铢的丰田埃尔法(Alphard)。一辆丰田Fortuner的申报价值为140万泰铢。另外,两辆丰田Hilux Revo皮卡的申报价值均为60万泰铢。最后,他的杜卡迪Multistrada 1200 Enduro摩托车的申报价值为30万泰铢。
即便如此,这辆宾利并非他申报的最值钱的奢侈品。他的五块手表总价值高达2695万泰铢。事实上,仅一块理查德·米勒手表在泰国国家反贪污委员会(NACC)的申报价值就超过了这辆宾利。
五块价值2695万泰铢的名表,远超年薪,财富总体上保持不变。
这批藏品包括两枚百达翡丽腕表和三枚理查德·米勒腕表。他的百达翡丽鹦鹉螺5712/A月相腕表估价为140万泰铢。此外,一枚百达翡丽Aquanaut旅行时间腕表5164A-001的估价为155万泰铢。
这三款理查德·米勒腕表价格不菲。其中一款RM35-03自动拉斐尔·纳达尔签名款估价800万泰铢。另一款RM61-01限量版售价550万泰铢。最引人注目的是RM65-01玫瑰金计时码表,其标价高达1050万泰铢。
相比之下,他申报的年收入相对较少。柴查诺申报的年收入为1,362,720泰铢,全部来自工资。他的年度个人支出为600,000泰铢。
然而,这些数据需要重要的背景信息。国家反腐败委员会的声明并没有显示柴查诺克在从政后变得富有。相反,他几乎全部的财产在他首次进入国会时就已经公开披露了。
2023年大选后,柴查诺申报的资产总额为161,625,029.76泰铢。当时,他还申报了19,934.24泰铢的透支负债。因此,三年来,他申报的总资产仅增加了约295,000泰铢。
其资产构成变化更为显著。2023年,柴查诺的银行存款为5054万泰铢。如今,这一数字已增至6049万泰铢。相比之下,此前他的投资额为1299万泰铢,土地价值为2411万泰铢,车辆价值为1450万泰铢。
早前的文件显示,奇德乔布的腕表和宾利汽车都早于他的内阁生涯,这让他的政治遗产逐渐显露。
至关重要的是,他的名表并非近期购置。这五块表都出现在2023年的申报文件中。此外,它们的总价值当时已达2695万泰铢。他的宾利汽车也出现在那份申报文件中。因此,最新的披露表明,他拥有的是长期积累的财富,而非进入政府后财富的突然增长。
与此同时,这份文件也为这位不同寻常的政治人物增添了不少色彩。柴查诺于1990年7月14日出生于武里南府,是泰国最显赫的省级政治家族之一的第三代传人。然而,他的童年和青年时期却大多是在距离武里南数千公里之外的地方度过的。
他的祖父柴·奇乔布(Chai Chidchob)曾跻身议会政治最高层,担任过众议院议长和国会主席。与此同时,柴查诺克的叔叔萨克萨扬·奇乔布(Saksayam Chidchob)成为泰自豪党秘书长,并随后担任交通部长。
首先,他的父亲纽因·奇乔布(Newin Chidchob)也举足轻重。纽因多年前就正式退出了政坛一线。之后,他将重心放在了以武里南府为中心的商业、足球和赛车事业上。尽管他没有担任泰自豪党(Bhumjaithai)的正式职务,但他在该党内的影响力仍然广为人知。
柴查诺克本人也承认了这种影响。今年早些时候,他称纽因是“我们背后的力量”。然而,他否认了其父左右Bhumjaithai所有决策的说法。
“我不会否认他对我们有影响,”柴查诺克说道。同时,他也强调父子俩有时也会意见不合。
纽因的影响力笼罩着布姆贾泰,柴查诺克也承认他父亲的政治影响力。
这个家族与泰国的“大家族”(Baan Yai)政治传统密切相关。“大家族”指的是拥有强大地方势力和深厚选举网络的家族。然而,柴查诺克的个人成长经历与传统的政治学徒制截然不同。
他的亲生父母在他很小的时候就分开了。今年6月,在他母亲参与政治辩论后,柴查诺克公开谈论了此事。他说,纽因和他的亲生母亲在他大约两三岁时就离婚了。
因此,柴查诺克并非由他的亲生母亲抚养长大,而是由卡鲁娜·奇德乔布从小抚养。柴查诺克说,他年纪太小,记不起父母离异的情景。他也承认,自己与亲生母亲几乎没有任何联系。
柴查诺克曾向父亲打听过她的消息,但他察觉到纽因不愿谈及此事,于是便不再追问。
后来,柴查诺克得知他的生母另组了家庭。他说他从未见过她,也从未和她说过话。尽管如此,随着年龄的增长,他还是会关注她的近况。他说她看起来过得很幸福,而且一直维持着一段稳定的关系。
此事公之于众后,柴查诺克提出了一项明确的要求:不要将他的生母卷入针对他的政治攻击中。由此,这一事件揭露了奇乔布家族故事中极其私密的一面。
柴查诺克透露,他幼年时与生母失去联系,之后由卡鲁娜抚养长大。
不久之后,在他童年时期,他再次与家人分离。大约八岁时,柴查诺克被送往英国。他在那里生活了大约17年。
在此期间,他曾在英国米尔菲尔德学校就读。后来,他在伦敦一所大学学习经济和金融,但并未完成学业。柴查诺克也公开承认自己曾留级并转学。
最终,他大约25岁时回到了泰国。此后,他的人生再次发生了改变。柴查诺克自愿参军,这段经历后来被他形容为改变人生、令人大开眼界。
退伍后,他在武里南府查勒姆卡纳纳大学完成了政治学学士学位。然而,从政并非他最初的选择。相反,他投身于奇德乔布家族庞大的体育事业。
他的兴趣包括武里南联足球俱乐部和昌国际赛车场。与此同时,柴查诺克对科技、游戏和电子竞技产生了浓厚的兴趣。29岁时,他创立了武里南联电子竞技俱乐部,并担任首席执行官。
这段经历与他目前的内阁职务尤为相关。与许多职业政客不同,柴查诺克拥有游戏和数字娱乐领域的直接经验。然而,他的正式政治生涯直到2022年才开始。
那一年,他加入了泰自豪党。随后,在2023年5月,他参加了武里南府第二选区的竞选。他成功当选,首次进入国会。
在英国生活十七年后,他先后服兵役、参与武里南体育、电子竞技,并最终走上了政治道路。
仅仅十个月后,他又一次获得晋升。2024年3月,泰自豪党任命这位33岁的国会议员为秘书长。他接替了他的叔叔萨克萨扬,担任党内最重要的组织职务之一。
值得注意的是,柴查诺克并未否认他的家庭背景对他有所帮助。“身为政治继承人是一大优势,”他告诉记者。但他表示,他已做好证明自己的准备。最终,他表示,党员和支持者可以对他的表现做出评判。
2025年9月,他的崛起速度再次加快。泰自豪党领导人阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔在人民党的关键议会支持下出任总理。这一支持是包括宪法改革在内的一项协议的一部分。
在此背景下,猜占诺进入内阁,出任数字经济与社会部长。这项任命立即为这位年轻的泰自豪党秘书长提供了一个全国性的平台。更重要的是,它让他掌管了泰国变化最快的政策领域之一。
随后是2026年2月的大选。猜查诺克作为泰自豪党的二号候选人重返国会。之后,阿努廷继续任命他担任数字经济与社会部长。
他的迅速崛起不可避免地引发了关于他在泰自豪党内未来走向的讨论。泰国公共电视台(Thai PBS World)称猜查诺是该党的“当然继承人”。其他报道也同样将他描述为奇卓家族的政治继承人。
柴查诺迅速晋升,从一名初次当选的国会议员一路升至党总书记和内阁部长。
然而,目前党内并未正式指定柴查诺·阿努廷为继任者。泰自豪党也未宣布任何继任安排。即便如此,他目前的职位也使他与党的组织中心保持着密切联系。
政治格局很清晰。猜查诺是纽因的长子,也是泰自豪党的秘书长。同时,他还掌控着一个重要的内阁部门。而他的父亲则仍然与该党在武里南府的权力基础保持着密切联系。
不出所料,柴查诺与阿努廷的关系一直备受关注。不时有报道称,总理、柴查诺和纽因之间存在分歧。对此,柴查诺公开淡化了有关关系严重破裂的传闻。
7月份,他形容阿努廷和他的父亲关系非常亲密。他还表示,他们之间有分歧是正常的。他强调,他们之间长久以来的关系始终建立在信任之上。
两大家族之间的私人联系依然清晰可见。今年六月,阿努廷主持了柴查诺克的弟弟查查诺克·奇乔布在曼谷举行的婚礼。与此同时,柴查诺克也逐渐建立起独立于两位父亲之外的全国性政治影响力。
人工智能已成为他实现这一目标的主要工具。
阿努廷的领带引起关注,柴查诺克通过人工智能提升了自己的国家形象
自上任以来,猜占诺一直将人工智能的应用作为其部长任期的一项重要举措。尤其值得一提的是,他主导的“泰国人工智能护照计划”(TH-AI Passport)预算高达约16亿泰铢,旨在让多达500万泰国人能够使用先进的生成式人工智能技术。
除了提供参与机会外,该计划还包括培训。其目标群体包括学生、工人、企业家和政府工作人员。广大公众也可参与。
该平台于8月正式上线,当时已汇集了超过14家技术供应商。此外,用户还可以访问超过30种人工智能模型。该项目还采用了“学习、赚钱、实践”的模式,旨在鼓励用户掌握实用技能。
据该部称,该计划不仅限于补贴人工智能订阅服务。官员们希望用户能够获得快速发展技术的实际应用经验。柴查诺克曾多次强调,人工智能的广泛普及对于泰国的竞争力至关重要。
注册于8月19日开放。截至8月28日,注册人数已超过130万。随后,该平台于8月31日正式上线运营。
截至9月2日,累计注册用户已达1,455,289人。同期,人工智能提示信息记录量约为400万条。因此,柴查诺克在为其代表作辩护时获得了大量媒体关注。
TH-AI Passport的目标是吸引500万用户,自8月份推出以来,注册用户已超过140万。
然而,这些注册用户数量仅仅反映了部分情况。8月31日最初公布的活跃用户数约为45万。此后,官方不再公开更新活跃用户数。
泰国公共电视台报道称,负责机构尚未收到承包商提供的后续数据。因此,注册用户数不能直接认定为活跃用户数。此外,注册用户数仍远低于该项目设定的五百万上限。
猜查诺承认注册速度较慢,泰国仍然存在数字鸿沟。即便如此,TH-AI 已成为他内阁生涯中最具代表性的项目。
与此同时,这也成为了他最大的政治争议。
反对派政客多次质疑这项价值16亿泰铢的采购项目。他们的质疑涵盖了项目时间表、招标细则以及中标联合体的遴选过程。特别是,人民党议员帕沃特·蓬维塔亚帕努质疑某些要求是否过于苛刻。
反对党议员还质疑采购速度。另一方面,他们审查了便利店数字广告屏幕的相关要求。他们还提出,此次采购涉及一些公司与此前由泰自豪党控制的政府部门签订合同的公司存在商业联系。
这些仍然是反对派的说法和疑问,并非认定柴查诺克操纵了采购过程的结论。
由于反对党议员加大了对价值16亿泰铢的泰国人工智能采购项目的审查力度,活跃用户数量统计停止更新。
中标的TH财团由Turnkey Communication Services和Human Intelligent两家公司组成。值得注意的是,柴查诺克随后承认认识中标方,但他却被禁止参与采购过程。
面对批评,部长还驳斥了招标仓促的说法。柴查诺克表示,准备工作实际上早在几个月前就开始了。据他介绍,整个过程大约耗时五个月。
作为辩护的一部分,他表示采购过程已按照法律规定进行了公众咨询。他还坚称,该项目仍可接受审查。
此外,柴查诺克还为该项目的经济效益进行了辩护。他计算得出,每位参与者每月的成本约为27泰铢。他还认为,集中采购可以加强泰国的数据主权。
然而,随着实施进程的加快,反对派的审查仍在继续。
9月1日,人民党议员拉查诺·斯里诺克向国家反腐败委员会提交了有关TH-AI的材料。她要求对与该项目有关的五人展开调查。
她提交的材料质疑招标规范是否偏袒某位私人投标人。再次强调,这些指控仍处于调查阶段,尚未构成对柴查诺克不利的既定结论。
柴查诺克承认认识中标者,但否认参与采购过程,国家反腐败委员会(NACC)即将展开审查。
三周后,又一个挑战接踵而至。9月21日,民主党副主席卡恩迪·莱奥派罗特向国家审计署提出申请,要求审查一项价值16亿泰铢的项目。
因此,TH-AI呈现出截然不同的两组事实。一方面,它已吸引了超过140万次注册;另一方面,其采购流程仍持续受到政治和体制方面的严格审查。
对柴查诺克而言,这场争议也凸显了他的政治风格。他并未回避就该项目展开公开辩论,而是直接为项目的采购、成本和目标进行辩护。
最近,柴查诺公开回顾了他担任内阁部长的第一年。他说,这段经历让他学会了更有耐心,也让他学会了如何应对批评和误解。
除了政府事务之外,他的私生活相对低调。国家反腐败委员会的声明正式显示他单身。尽管如此,泰国媒体对他感情状况的关注度依然很高,甚至为此进行了深度采访。
他的个人经历还有另一段不寻常的插曲。柴查诺曾表示,他以前考虑过终身出家。他说,他一度认为自己已经放下了许多个人牵绊。
在柴查诺克就任内阁第一年后,国家审计署的审查加大了他对TH-AI的辩护压力。
相比之下,他的国家反贪污委员会(NACC)申报记录显示,他拥有大量贵重物品,其中包括价值800万泰铢的宾利欧陆GT跑车、杜卡迪摩托车以及价值近2700万泰铢的名表。
除了上述资产外,柴查诺还拥有10块土地和两处房产的权益。他有6049万泰铢的存款,分散在10个银行账户中。与此同时,他的投资价值1307万泰铢。
他申报的总资产为1.6192亿泰铢。然而,这些资产大多在他担任部长之前就已拥有。事实上,自他进入国会以来,他申报的总财富几乎没有变化。
然而,在政治方面,几乎一切都发生了变化。
2023年,猜占诺首次当选武里南府国会议员。一年后,他成为泰自豪党秘书长。随后在2025年,他进入内阁。
到2026年,他负责一项耗资16亿泰铢的国家人工智能项目。与此同时,反对党议员们正就该项目向独立的国家机构提出质询。
与此同时,奇乔布家族在泰自豪党的政治历史中仍然扮演着举足轻重的角色。柴查诺克的祖父曾担任国会主席,他的叔叔则领导党组织,后来又掌控了交通部。
奇德乔布家族的政治崛起速度超过了财富的增长速度,该家族与泰人民党(Bhumjaithai)保持着密切联系。
他的父亲成为武里南府最具影响力的政治人物之一。如今,猜查诺本人担任泰国自豪党秘书长一职。
然而,他到达那里的路线仍然非常不寻常。
父母离异后,他并非由亲生母亲抚养长大,而是由卡鲁娜·奇德乔布(Karuna Chidchob)抚养。八岁时,他离开泰国,在英国生活了大约十七年。
他的求学之路充满挫折,曾多次重读学业并转学。退伍后,他自愿参军。之后,他进入武里南府的大学深造,并开始从事足球、赛车和电子竞技等运动。
选举政治才由此开始。
猜占诺于 2022 年加入泰自豪党。他于 2023 年进入国会,并于 2024 年成为该党秘书长。次年,他进入内阁。
如今,他的政治地位处于泰自豪党内部几股重要力量的交汇点。阿努廷仍是该党领袖兼总理。纽因在武里南府的政治网络中仍然是一位颇具影响力的人物。
从不同寻常的童年到英国和电子竞技,柴查诺克最终跻身泰自豪党政治的核心。
与此同时,猜查诺担任该党秘书长,并在内阁中担任越来越重要的职务。因此,他的晋升进一步强化了人们对他代表泰自豪党下一代政治领袖的看法。
然而,未来仍未可知。目前尚无正式声明表明他最终将领导泰自豪党,阿努廷也未公布任何继任计划。
已取得的成果已经相当可观。
36岁的柴查诺克在国会仅任职三年,却已身居泰自豪党最重要的党内要职之一,并掌控着泰国数字经济与社会部。
此外,他的标志性项目旨在将先进的人工智能技术普及到数百万泰国民众手中。这项耗资16亿泰铢的项目也因其采购流程而受到审查。
最新的NACC申报文件又增添了新的维度。它详细记录了宾利、杜卡迪摩托车、土地、房产和投资组合。此外,还列出了两块百达翡丽腕表和三块理查德·米勒腕表。然而,这些数字却提供了清晰的历史对比。
柴查诺于2023年进入国会,申报资产约1.6163亿泰铢。三年后,他申报的资产约为1.6192亿泰铢。
因此,在他非凡的政治崛起过程中,据报道他的财富变化不大。但他在泰国政坛的地位却发生了翻天覆地的变化。
TH AI计划遇到问题和瓶颈。新的AIS优惠提供每月29泰铢的低价互联网服务。
就在泰国政府介入人工智能市场之际,该国的付费人工智能用户经历了噩梦般的一周。
人民党激进派人士抨击本周启动的旗舰人工智能项目TH AI,并向反腐机构提出指控。
泰国民众在首日积极参与政府的TH AI项目,但ChatGPT在周一晚些时候报告出现故障。
泰国人工智能护照将于8月28日正式上线,部长表示,此举是应公众强烈要求。
民主党副党魁再次抨击泰国-人工智能护照项目,与此同时,部长正力推该项目。
泰国工人如今在人工智能应用方面处于世界领先地位,是全球平均水平的两倍多。企业必须提高警惕。
民主党副党魁揭露泰国-印度护照计划的缺陷,并呼吁部长终止该计划。
阿披实·维乍集瓦呼吁对数字经济部正在推进的旗舰人工智能项目进行审查
反对党和首相都强调了腐败问题,认为这正在损害王国在海外的信誉。
交通部长下令就美国有关旅游公款旅行和按摩院的贿赂指控提交报告
最高法院首席大法官成立专案组,调查丰田公司110亿泰铢税务上诉案中的贿赂指控。
财政部未能阻止向一家与1990年合同有关的香港公司支付254亿泰铢的款项
约瑟夫·安东尼是一位来自爱尔兰的侨民,过去十年一直居住在泰国。他曾在爱尔兰和泰国的媒体行业担任过编辑职务,拥有丰富的媒体从业经验。他主要关注泰国的经济和商业新闻,以及侨民的生活方式。
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