Britain is more bark than bite in Indo-Pacific, lawmakers warn

LONDON — Britain should either increase it’s military presence in the Indo-Pacific or curb its ambitions in the region, according to the parliamentary Defence Committee.

The region is critical to Britain’s economic and security interests, and the government’s tilt toward the Indo-Pacific comes at a time of growing tension there involving a growing Chinese force.

“With only a modest presence compared to allies, little to no fighting force in the region, and little by way of regular activity, UK [Ministry of] Defence’s tilt to the Indo-Pacific is far from being achieved,” the committee said in a report to be released Oct. 24 and seen by Defense News.

“If we aspire to play any significant role in the Indo-Pacific this would need a major commitment of cash, equipment and personnel. Without this, the UK may need to curb its ambitions in the region,” the committee determined.

The government had announced a pronounced pivot toward the Indo-Pacific in a 2021 integrated review of Britain’s global defense, security and economic strategy. But with a refresh of the strategic review concluded in March, the government has now said the regional refocus is achieved.

Not so in terms of defense, the committee has found.

“The UK Government’s future strategy for the Indo-Pacific is still unclear. Therefore, we urge the Government to create a single, cross-government Indo-Pacific strategy, and within this, the Ministry of Defence should include a comprehensive defence and diplomatic response to the growing threat posed by China,” the report said.

The report also noted Britain has a minor military presence in the region but must bolster its military resources there or potentially rebalance existing ones if the country wants to play a significant role. But it’s unclear how — amid Russia’s war against Ukraine and the British government’s determination that the Atlantic and Europe remain priorities — the government could reallocate defense funds or capabilities toward the Indo-Pacific.

Commanding Officer Conor O’Neill points to a chart while aboard the British Royal Navy's HMS Montrose frigate during a joint exercise with the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force and the U.S. Navy on March 14, 2019, in the Pacific Ocean. (Tomohiro Ohsumi/Getty Images)

“Despite the government’s insistence that the Indo-Pacific tilt has been ‘delivered,’ our report found that the reality falls short of the rhetoric,” said the Defence Committee’s vice chair, John Spellar.

“We currently have no real military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific and are unlikely to be able to contribute significantly in the event of hostilities in the region. If we are serious about building up our presence — and if we are able to do so without disrupting our commitments elsewhere — we must allocate resources to efforts in the region, alongside our allies and partners,” he added.

Current British assets in the region are a base in the British Indian Ocean Territory; fuel installations in Singapore; and an Army garrison in Brunei comprising a Gurkha battalion ; Puma helicopters; and engineers with riverine craft and two offshore patrol vessels who have no single base but move around the area.

“It appears that China is preparing to confront Taiwan. In response to this, the U.K. government and armed forces must ensure that we are prepared to respond to a variety of potential hostilities, from gray zone activities to outright conflict,” Spellar said, using a term for offensive operations that fall below the threshold of warfare. “This needs to be more than just words, and must be treated with focus and urgency.”

Ben Barry, a senior fellow for land warfare at the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies think tank, described the government’s defense strategy for the Indo-Pacific as opaque.

“I would assess U.K. military strategy to the region as having a degree of ‘strategic ambiguity’: reassuring and supporting our friends in the region but not being explicit about potential U.K. responses to any flashpoint turning into armed conflict,” the analyst told Defense News.

Barry, who provided evidence to the committee, said amid “existing policy priorities, sending any more [to the Indo-Pacific] would depend on [the] European and Middle Eastern security situation allowing significant force elements to be spared.”

Notably, he added, existing plans for deployments are not set in stone.

“Announced plan to send a carrier strike group in 2025 cannot be guaranteed. Nor can declared plans to base a submarine in Australia or a frigate in the region later in the decade be guaranteed.” he said. “The existing small commitment in Brunei and the OPVs appear to be sustainable over the long term. The additional littoral group that is planned may or may not be sustainable; it’s already been diverted by the Gaza war and could be needed for any wider Middle East crisis, particularly if the war spreads.”

Since its 2021 defense review, Britain has bolstered its military presence in the Indo-Pacific, primarily with maritime assets. That involved the deployment of a carrier strike group in 2021 led by the Royal Navy’s HMS Queen Elizabeth. A littoral response group was to visit this year, but those vessels appear to have been diverted to the Eastern Mediterranean in the wake of the Israel-Hamas war. Another carrier strike group deployment is to follow in 2025.

The government is also working with the U.S. on the trilateral security arrangement AUKUS that will see Australia acquire nuclear-powered submarines. Included in that deal is an agreement for a regular deployment of a Royal Navy Astute-class attack submarine to Australia from 2026 onward.

Andrew Chuter is the United Kingdom correspondent for Defense News.

伦敦——英国议会国防委员会表示，英国要么应该增加在印太地区的军事存在，要么应该遏制其在该地区的野心。

该地区对英国的经济和安全利益至关重要，而英国政府向印太地区的倾斜正值该地区因中国军事力量不断增强而局势日益紧张之际。

“与盟友相比，英国在印太地区的存在感微乎其微，在该地区几乎没有作战力量，也鲜有常规活动，英国国防部向印太地区的战略转型远未实现，”该委员会在一份将于 10 月 24 日发布的报告中表示，该报告已被《防务新闻》看到。

委员会认定：“如果我们想要在印太地区发挥任何重要作用，就需要投入大量资金、设备和人员。否则，英国可能不得不缩减其在该地区的野心。”

英国政府曾在2021年对其全球国防、安全和经济战略进行综合评估时宣布，将战略重心明显转向印太地区。但随着今年3月完成的战略评估更新，政府现已表示，区域战略重心调整已经实现。

委员会发现，在国防方面并非如此。

报告指出：“英国政府未来的印太战略仍然不明朗。因此，我们敦促政府制定一项跨部门的统一印太战略，其中国防部应纳入一项全面的国防和外交应对措施，以应对中国日益增长的威胁。”

报告还指出，英国在该地区的军事存在规模较小，但如果想发挥重要作用，就必须加强在该地区的军事资源，或者重新调整现有资源配置。然而，鉴于俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争以及英国政府坚持将大西洋和欧洲列为优先事项，目前尚不清楚英国政府将如何把国防资金或能力重新分配到印太地区。

2019年3月14日，在太平洋海域，英国皇家海军“蒙特罗斯”号护卫舰舰长康纳·奥尼尔在与日本海上自卫队和美国海军进行联合演习时，指着海图。（图片来源：Tomohiro Ohsumi/Getty Images）

“尽管政府坚称印太战略已经‘实现’，但我们的报告发现，实际情况与宣传相去甚远，”国防委员会副主席约翰·斯佩勒说。

“我们目前在印太地区没有真正的军事能力，一旦该地区发生敌对行动，我们也不太可能做出重大贡献。如果我们真心想要加强在该地区的存在——并且能够在不影响我们在其他地区承诺的前提下做到这一点——我们就必须与我们的盟友和伙伴一起，为该地区的行动分配资源，”他补充道。

目前英国在该地区的资产包括：英属印度洋领地的一个基地；新加坡的燃料设施；以及驻扎在文莱的陆军驻军，该驻军包括一个廓尔喀营；美洲狮直升机；以及配备内河船艇和两艘近海巡逻舰的工程兵，他们没有固定的基地，而是在该地区四处巡逻。

“中国似乎正在准备与台湾对抗。对此，英国政府和武装部队必须确保我们做好准备，应对各种潜在的敌对行动，从灰色地带活动到公开冲突，”斯佩勒说，他用“灰色地带”一词来指代那些尚未达到战争门槛的进攻性行动。“这不能仅仅停留在口头上，必须认真对待，并采取紧迫的行动。”

总部位于伦敦的国际战略研究所高级陆地战争研究员本·巴里形容政府的印太地区国防战略是不透明的。

“我认为英国对该地区的军事战略具有一定程度的‘战略模糊性’：一方面安抚和支持我们在该地区的盟友，另一方面又没有明确说明英国对任何可能演变为武装冲突的冲突点的潜在反应，”这位分析人士告诉《防务新闻》。

巴里向委员会提供了证据，他表示，“在现有的政策优先事项下，是否向印太地区增派兵力将取决于欧洲和中东的安全形势，能否避免派遣大量兵力。”

值得注意的是，他还补充说，现有的部署计划并非一成不变。

“已宣布的2025年派遣航母打击群的计划无法得到保证。同样，已宣布的在澳大利亚部署潜艇或在十年后在该地区部署护卫舰的计划也无法得到保证。”他说道。“目前在文莱的小规模部署和近海巡逻舰似乎能够长期维持。计划中的额外近海战斗群是否可持续尚不确定；它已被加沙战争所牵制，而且可能在中东地区出现更广泛的危机时需要用到，尤其是在战争蔓延的情况下。”

自2021年国防评估以来，英国加强了在印太地区的军事存在，主要体现在海上力量的部署上。这其中包括在2021年部署由皇家海军“伊丽莎白女王”号航母领衔的航母打击群。一支近岸反应群原计划于今年访问该地区，但由于以色列与哈马斯之间的战争，这些舰艇似乎已被调往东地中海。另一支航母打击群计划于2025年再次部署。

澳大利亚政府还在与美国合作推进三边安全协议“AUKUS”，该协议将使澳大利亚获得核动力潜艇。该协议包括一项条款，即从2026年起，英国皇家海军的“机敏”级攻击型核潜艇将定期部署到澳大利亚。

Andrew Chuter 是《防务新闻》的英国记者。