Serving Election Commissioner again voicing his concerns about the probe into the 2024 Senate election

September 30, 2026 at 12:43 pm

in Living , Media , Politics , Thailand

A serving Election Commissioner has delivered a powerful insider account of Thailand’s 2024 Senate election investigation, exposing two crucial divided votes. Sitthichot Intrawises says the EC voted 4–3 against obtaining additional DSI financial, telephone and photographic evidence involving eight accused persons. It later voted 5–2 against proceedings involving 21 political figures. Mr Sitthichot was in the minority both times. His account details suspected voting lists matching successful candidates, financial trails towards Surat Thani and political connections across several provinces. He also revealed suspicious documents found at Muang Thong Thani and a 45-day delay before Committee 36 met. The investigation once covered 229 people. Ultimately, the EC proceeded against just 77, including 26 serving senators, while key political figures escaped referral.

Election Commissioner Sitthichot Intrawises reveals 4–3 and 5–2 EC splits as 77 face Senate poll proceedings while key political figures escape referral. ( Source: Daily News )

Election Commissioner Sitthichot Intrawises has delivered an extraordinary insider account of Thailand’s investigation into the controversial 2024 Senate election. On Wednesday, he detailed internal votes, investigative roadblocks, financial trails and disputes over evidence.

Crucially, he revealed another deeply divided vote among the country’s seven election commissioners. The EC voted 4–3 against obtaining additional evidence held by the Department of Special Investigation (DSI).

The material included photographs, financial records and telephone data concerning eight accused persons. Mr Sitthichot wanted the evidence brought into the EC investigation. Two other commissioners supported him. Yet four commissioners voted against obtaining it. Consequently, that additional material was not brought into that part of the EC inquiry.

EC split widens as Sitthichot details political figures, Senate proceedings and his minority vote

The disclosure adds another dimension to the investigation into possible collusion during the 2024 Senate selection. Earlier this month, the EC voted 5–2 against pursuing 21 political figures under two accusations. Mr Sitthichot and Election Commissioner Chai Nakornchai formed the minority. Meanwhile, the commission proceeded against 77 other people, including 26 serving senators.

Mr Sitthichot spoke at a high-profile seminar organised by the Office of the Royal Society of Thailand. The event was titled “The Senate Collusion Case: The Truth Every Thai Must Know”. Former Constitutional Court judge Charan Pakdithanakul also participated. Former Supreme Court judge Was Tingsamitr and former anti-corruption commissioner Vicha Mahakun joined the event.

Notably, Mr Sitthichot brought a unique perspective to Wednesday’s gathering. He is a serving commissioner who examined the evidence from inside the EC. Moreover, he voted against the majority on crucial parts of the case. His account detailed how the investigation developed and where investigators encountered obstacles.

The 2024 Senate selection was unprecedented in scale and complexity. More than 40,000 people applied through 928 districts nationwide. Candidates were divided into professional groups. The selection then moved through district, provincial and national stages. However, the EC lacked enough personnel to administer the entire operation directly.

Officials find suspicious voting documents as complaints trigger a nationwide Senate investigation

As a result, administrative officials played a substantial role during district and provincial stages. Problems subsequently emerged over the classification of applicants into professional groups. At the same time, complaints began arriving from different parts of Thailand. Those complaints eventually produced a sprawling nationwide investigation.

Mr Sitthichot also revealed events at Muang Thong Thani during the national Senate selection. Officials discovered large quantities of suspicious documents discarded inside toilets on the morning of the vote. The documents resembled voting lists or voting instructions. Their discovery immediately concerned officials supervising the process.

In response, officials called an emergency meeting. They then printed three new sets of candidate introduction documents. According to Mr Sitthichot, the measure sought to prevent further information leaking from the process. The incident occurred before the national-level selection had been completed.

Elsewhere, complaints concerning possible organised voting continued emerging across Thailand. Initially, 25 separate investigative committees examined complaints arising from different areas. However, those inquiries encountered a serious structural problem. They could investigate local witnesses and events, but following money across provincial boundaries proved more difficult.

Committee 26 brings police, DSI and money-laundering specialists into the widening Senate inquiry

Against that background, Mr Sitthichot proposed creating a stronger central investigation. He sought to use provisions of the Election Commission Act allowing specialists from other agencies. Accordingly, Central Investigation and Inquiry Committee 26 was established. It subsequently became central to the widening Senate investigation.

Committee 26 brought together specialists from several powerful investigative bodies. Police officers participated alongside officials from the Department of Special Investigation. In addition, the Anti-Money Laundering Office provided expertise. Three DSI specialists joined the inquiry. Their work included examining telephone records and financial transactions.

As part of this, investigators could begin connecting evidence uncovered in different provinces. They could examine communications and financial movements alongside witness testimony. Committee 26 therefore possessed capabilities unavailable to many original provincial investigations. This became increasingly important as the inquiry expanded beyond local complaints.

Even so, Mr Sitthichot wanted the investigation to remain firmly under EC control. The DSI had previously informed the commission that it possessed evidence concerning the Senate case. However, he opposed simply transferring the DSI investigation into the EC process.

Sitthichot backs an independent EC inquiry before Committee 36 brings a 45-day delay to the case

Instead, Mr Sitthichot favoured an independent EC inquiry using specialists from other state agencies. He feared accepting the DSI case wholesale could raise questions about the commission’s political neutrality. Therefore, DSI specialists participated inside Committee 26 rather than simply handing over an existing investigation.

In parallel, witnesses previously interviewed by DSI were summoned again. They were questioned separately under the Election Commission’s process. Thus, the EC did not simply inherit conclusions reached by another agency. Committee 26 assembled and examined evidence through the commission’s own statutory investigation.

Later, another layer was inserted into the process. The Election Commission established Committee 36 as a special screening body for the Senate case. Mr Sitthichot stressed that it was not created to contradict Committee 26. Nevertheless, he disclosed a substantial delay after Committee 36 was appointed.

According to Mr Sitthichot, its chairman did not convene a meeting for approximately 45 days. Hence, consideration of the investigation was delayed during a critical period. The committee would later reach conclusions sharply different from Committee 26.

EC votes 4–3 against obtaining additional DSI evidence as investigators examine financial trails

On another front, DSI was conducting its own money-laundering investigation. During Committee 36’s consideration, the department contacted the Election Commission concerning additional evidence. According to Mr Sitthichot, the material concerned eight accused persons.

Specifically, DSI held photographs, financial transaction records and telephone information. Mr Sitthichot wanted the Election Commission to obtain and examine that evidence. The issue was therefore placed before all seven commissioners. The resulting vote was extremely close.

Four commissioners opposed obtaining the additional DSI material. Three supported bringing it into the investigation. Mr Sitthichot was among those three. Accordingly, the additional evidence was not obtained for that part of the EC inquiry.

That decision becomes more significant alongside an earlier dispute over money trails. Mr Sitthichot had already described financial movements uncovered during the Senate investigation. In particular, he discussed transfers worth hundreds of thousands of baht towards southern Thailand. Surat Thani featured prominently in that evidence.

Sitthichot seeks the original source of funds as the EC blocks a deeper investigation of money trails

Mr Sitthichot identified Worapoj Tangphanphian while explaining what investigators considered a money-distribution trail. Mr Worapoj was subsequently among the 77 people against whom the EC decided to proceed. Still, Mr Sitthichot wanted investigators to work further backwards through the financial chain.

His question was straightforward. Where had the person making the payments originally obtained the money? For Mr Sitthichot, identifying recipients did not complete the financial investigation. Rather, he wanted investigators to establish the original source of the funds.

Yet he said investigators could not continue that particular line. He linked that obstacle to the EC’s 4–3 decision concerning further financial evidence. As a consequence, the financial trail was not pursued as far as Mr Sitthichot wanted.

The financial material examined during the investigation involved several individuals. They included Subin Sakda, Worapoj Tangphanphian and Nisita Manchai. Mr Subin was identified as an assistant to Bhumjaithai Surat Thani MP Pichai Chomphuphon.

Importantly, the existence of an investigated financial trail does not establish where the money ultimately originated. Nor does it constitute a judicial finding against political figures. Nonetheless, financial evidence became a major point of disagreement inside the Election Commission.

Suspected voting lists match leading Senate results as investigators examine evidence across provinces

For its part, the EC subsequently explained the 4–3 decision. It said the vote concerned obtaining DSI documents and evidence from the department’s separate investigation. The majority decided against obtaining that material at that stage. Mr Sitthichot’s account now places that decision within the broader investigative dispute.

Separately, financial evidence represented only one strand of the Senate case. Investigators also uncovered 12 suspected voting lists connected with meetings in several provinces. Mr Sitthichot previously identified Nakhon Si Thammarat, Phuket and Nong Bua Lamphu among those locations. Uthai Thani, Nakhon Sawan and Sukhothai were also identified.

Crucially, investigators compared candidate numbers appearing on those lists with subsequent Senate results. According to Mr Sitthichot, numbers on suspected lists corresponded with candidates later securing leading positions. Some candidates subsequently finished between first and seventh place.

Beyond those lists, investigators examined meetings involving people connected with the selection. They also considered telephone contacts, witness testimony and financial information. Mr Sitthichot argued that these strands should be examined collectively. He opposed treating individual provincial incidents as separate events.

Investigators examine political links and Bangkok hotel meeting as the EC approaches its decisive split

Previously, he described that investigative approach as looking at the “whole elephant”. In effect, investigators examined possible connections between activities occurring hundreds of kilometres apart. The inquiry therefore moved beyond individual complaints towards examining possible patterns across several provinces.

Furthermore, investigators examined links involving party members, political personnel and MPs. Mr Sitthichot said activities detected in different areas repeatedly involved people associated with the same political party. Those connections formed part of the investigation and his minority assessment.

However, they were not judicial findings against the party or its leadership. Even so, those links became important when commissioners considered whether the political side should proceed. That question eventually produced the commission’s decisive 5–2 split.

Another strand concerned a Bangkok hotel meeting after the Senate selection. Mr Sitthichot previously described witness evidence surrounding that gathering. According to the evidence, senators met concerning the selection of the Senate president and deputy presidents.

Committee 36 clears all 229 people after investigators recommend proceedings against the entire group

During the gathering, mobile telephones were collected. Mr Sitthichot also said an important political party figure was observed leaving the location. Additionally, information suggested another senior figure may have been inside a separate room.

Around the same period, investigators examined telephone contacts involving political figures. Again, those matters formed part of investigative evidence considered by commissioners. They were not judicial findings against the political figures concerned.

Even so, the evidence became central when commissioners considered extending proceedings beyond senators and candidates. The dispute ultimately produced the 5–2 vote earlier this month. That decision effectively separated the political figures from those against whom proceedings would continue.

At one stage, the investigation covered 229 people. They included 138 senators and 91 political figures or other individuals. Committee 26 and DSI investigators recommended proceedings against all 229.

By contrast, Committee 36 subsequently reached a dramatically different conclusion. Its members voted 5–2 to clear all 229. The case then moved to the seven election commissioners themselves for consideration.

EC proceeds against 77 people as Sitthichot challenges the majority decision on political figures

Ultimately, the EC decided to proceed against 77 people. They included 26 serving senators and 36 eligible Senate candidates. Another 15 people were also included.

However, political figures considered under the first two accusations were not referred. The vote concerning them was 5–2. Mr Sitthichot and Mr Chai opposed the majority decision.

Afterwards, Mr Sitthichot publicly explained the evidence underpinning his minority position. His account cited suspected voting lists, provincial meetings and telephone connections. It also cited witness statements and financial trails.

In addition, he pointed to similarities between suspected lists and final candidate rankings. The commissioner cited political connections identified during investigations across several provinces. He argued that those different elements should be considered together.

A further element concerned the July 21, 2024 meeting at the Pullman Bangkok hotel. Evidence placed at least 40 senators at the location. Mr Sitthichot also discussed the collection of mobile phones during the gathering.

At the same time, investigators examined who entered and left the location. That evidence formed another part of the broader case considered by investigators. Yet the commission’s majority did not accept that proceedings against the political figures should follow.

Committee 26 evidence and Committee 36 screening produce sharply different outcomes in Senate inquiry

Mr Sitthichot and Mr Chai reached a different conclusion. Wednesday’s seminar therefore gave Mr Sitthichot a public platform to explain how that disagreement developed. More importantly, he provided details about decisions made before the final 5–2 vote.

Taken together, his account describes an investigation that changed substantially as it progressed. Initially, 25 committees examined complaints scattered across Thailand. Those investigations struggled to follow money and communications beyond individual provinces.

Subsequently, Committee 26 was created. Police, DSI and anti-money laundering specialists joined the inquiry. Witnesses were recalled and questioned under the EC process. Investigators also examined financial transactions and telephone records.

At the same time, suspected voting lists were compared with actual candidate results. Meetings across several provinces were investigated. Political connections were examined alongside witness evidence. Investigators also attempted to trace money between individuals and locations.

Then Committee 36 entered the process as a screening layer. According to Mr Sitthichot, approximately 45 days passed before its chairman convened a meeting. Committee 36 subsequently reached conclusions sharply different from the central investigation.

Two divided EC votes leave Sitthichot in the minority as three further Senate cases remain in process

During that process, DSI informed the EC about additional material from its money-laundering investigation. The evidence concerned eight accused persons. It included photographs, financial information and telephone data.

Despite that offer, the Election Commission voted 4–3 against obtaining the material. Mr Sitthichot was among the three seeking it. Later, commissioners divided again over political figures investigated in the case.

This time, the vote was 5–2 against proceeding. Once again, Mr Sitthichot was in the minority. Mr Chai joined him in opposing the majority decision.

Despite those divisions, Mr Sitthichot has rejected suggestions of an institutional breakdown inside the Election Commission. He said commissioners could disagree over cases while continuing to work together. He has also avoided publicly questioning the personal motives of fellow commissioners.

Instead, his account has concentrated on evidence, procedure and investigative decisions. He has detailed which material investigators examined and where he wanted inquiries extended. He has also identified votes that prevented particular investigative steps.

Further Senate cases remain active as Sitthichot details the evidence and sharply divided EC decisions

Meanwhile, the September decisions have not ended every case arising from the 2024 Senate selection. Three further Senate cases remain inside the Election Commission process. Mr Sitthichot confirmed their existence on Wednesday.

One concerns a group which gathered in the Jupiter room at Muang Thong Thani. Another concerns the Progressive Movement. All three investigations have already passed through Committee 26.

Therefore, those cases have undergone examination by the central investigative body used in the wider Senate inquiry. Mr Sitthichot said they could reach the full Election Commission around early October. However, he did not know whether Committee 36 had completed screening them.

In the meantime, proceedings involving the 77 people already approved by the Election Commission are moving separately. Twenty-six serving senators are among that group. The political figures cleared following the 5–2 vote are not.

Wednesday’s intervention therefore provided a detailed account of what happened before those sharply different outcomes. Mr Sitthichot described suspicious voting documents found on the morning of the national selection. He also detailed difficulties tracing financial evidence between provinces.

From there, the investigation was expanded through Committee 26. Police, DSI and anti-money laundering specialists joined the inquiry. Investigators examined telephone records, financial transactions, witnesses, provincial meetings and suspected voting lists.

Suspected voting lists, Committee 36 delays and divided EC votes define the continuing Senate inquiry

More significantly, those suspected lists were compared with actual Senate results. Mr Sitthichot said numbers on them corresponded with candidates who later secured leading positions. Investigators also examined financial movements and political connections across different provinces.

Thereafter, Committee 36 was inserted into the process. Its chairman did not convene the body for approximately 45 days, according to Mr Sitthichot. The committee later recommended clearing all 229 people under consideration.

Meanwhile, DSI offered additional evidence involving eight accused persons. The material included photographs, telephone information and financial records. Four Election Commissioners voted against obtaining it. Three wanted it brought into the inquiry.

Finally, the full commission divided over the political figures. Five commissioners voted against proceedings. Mr Sitthichot and Mr Chai voted in favour.

Thus, two crucial internal votes ended with Mr Sitthichot on the minority side. The first was 4–3 over additional DSI evidence. The second was 5–2 over proceedings involving political figures.

Both votes now form part of his public account of how the 2024 Senate investigation unfolded.

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Joseph Anthony is an expat from Ireland who has lived in Thailand for the last decade. He has worked extensively in the media including editorial positions in Ireland and Thailand. He is focused on economic and business stories in Thailand as well as the expat lifestyle.

All posts by Joseph O' Connor

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2026年9月30日下午12:43

在生活、媒体、政治、泰国

一位现任选举委员会委员披露了泰国2024年参议院选举调查的内幕，揭露了两次关键的投票分歧。据Intrawises的Sitthichot称，选举委员会曾以4比3的投票结果否决了获取涉及八名被告的泰国特别调查局（DSI）提供的更多财务、电话和照片证据。之后，又以5比2的投票结果否决了对21名政治人物的调查。Sitthichot先生在这两次投票中都站在了少数派。他的爆料详细描述了与当选候选人相符的可疑投票名单、指向素叻他尼府的资金流向以及跨越多个府的政治关系。他还披露了在蒙通他尼府发现的可疑文件，以及第36委员会召开会议前长达45天的延误。该调查最初涉及229人。最终，选举委员会仅对77人提起诉讼，其中包括26名现任参议员，而一些关键政治人物则逃脱了调查。

选举委员会主席西提乔特·因特拉维斯透露，选举委员会内部出现4比3和5比2的投票结果分歧，77名候选人面临参议院选举程序，而一些关键政治人物则免于被提交至选举委员会。（来源：《每日新闻》）

泰国选举委员会委员西提乔特·因特拉维斯 (Sitthichot Intrawises) 披露了泰国对备受争议的2024年参议院选举的调查内幕，内容非同寻常。周三，他详细讲述了内部投票、调查受阻、资金流向以及证据争议等情况。

至关重要的是，他还揭露了该国七名选举委员之间另一次严重分歧的投票结果。选举委员会以4比3的投票结果否决了获取特别调查部（DSI）所掌握的更多证据的请求。

这些材料包括八名被告的照片、财务记录和电话数据。西提乔特先生希望将这些证据纳入欧盟委员会的调查。另有两名委员支持他的提议。然而，四名委员投票反对获取这些材料。因此，这些补充材料最终未能纳入欧盟委员会的调查。

随着西提乔特详细阐述政治人物、参议院议事程序以及他的少数派投票，选举委员会内部的分歧进一步扩大。

这一披露为2024年参议院选举中可能存在的串谋行为调查增添了新的维度。本月初，选举委员会以5比2的投票结果否决了对21名政治人物提出的两项指控。西提乔特先生和选举专员柴纳空猜投了反对票。与此同时，委员会对包括26名现任参议员在内的其他77人继续进行调查。

西提乔先生在泰国皇家学会办公室举办的高规格研讨会上发表了讲话。此次研讨会的主题是“参议院勾结案：每个泰国人都必须知道的真相”。前宪法法院法官查兰·帕克迪塔纳库尔也出席了此次研讨会。前最高法院法官瓦斯·廷萨米特和前反腐败专员维查·马哈昆也参加了此次活动。

值得注意的是，西提乔特先生为周三的会议带来了独特的视角。他是一位现任委员，曾从选举委员会内部审查证据。此外，他还就案件的关键部分投了反对票。他的叙述详细阐述了调查的进展情况以及调查人员遇到的障碍。

2024年参议院选举规模空前，复杂程度也前所未有。全国928个选区共有超过4万人报名。候选人按职业类别分组。选举随后依次经过选区、省和国家三个阶段。然而，选举委员会人手不足，无法直接管理整个选举过程。

官员发现可疑投票文件，相关投诉引发参议院全国范围调查

因此，行政官员在区级和省级阶段发挥了重要作用。随后，申请人职业类别的分类问题开始出现。与此同时，来自泰国各地的投诉也纷至沓来。这些投诉最终引发了一场遍及全国的大规模调查。

西提乔先生还披露了在蒙通他尼举行的国民议会选举期间发生的事件。投票当天早上，官员们在厕所内发现了大量可疑文件。这些文件疑似选民名单或投票指示。这些文件的发现立即引起了负责监督选举进程的官员的关注。

对此，官员们召开了紧急会议，并印制了三套新的候选人介绍文件。据西提乔特先生称，此举旨在防止进一步的信息泄露。该事件发生在全国遴选工作完成之前。

在泰国其他地区，有关可能存在有组织投票的投诉不断涌现。最初，25个独立的调查委员会负责审查来自不同地区的投诉。然而，这些调查遇到了严重的结构性问题。他们可以调查当地的证人和事件，但追踪跨省资金流向却困难重重。

第26委员会将警方、特别调查局（DSI）和反洗钱专家纳入不断扩大的参议院调查范围。

在此背景下，西提乔特先生提议设立一个更强有力的中央调查机构。他试图利用《选举委员会法》中允许其他机构专家参与调查的条款。因此，中央调查委员会（第26号）成立。该委员会随后成为参议院扩大调查范围的核心力量。

第26委员会汇集了来自多个重要调查机构的专家。警官和特别调查局的官员都参与了此次调查。此外，反洗钱办公室也提供了专业知识。三名特别调查局的专家加入了调查。他们的工作包括审查电话记录和金融交易记录。

为此，调查人员可以开始将不同省份发现的证据联系起来。他们可以结合证人证词，审查通信记录和资金流动情况。因此，第26委员会拥有许多省级调查所不具备的能力。随着调查范围扩大到地方投诉之外，这一点变得愈发重要。

即便如此，西提乔特先生仍希望调查完全由选举委员会掌控。此前，特别调查局已告知委员会，其掌握了与参议院案件相关的证据。然而，他反对简单地将特别调查局的调查移交给选举委员会。

西提乔特支持欧盟委员会进行独立调查，此前第36委员会已将此案延期45天。

相反，西提乔特先生倾向于由其他国家机构的专家组成独立委员会进行调查。他担心全盘接受特别调查局的案件可能会引发人们对委员会政治中立性的质疑。因此，特别调查局的专家参与了第26委员会的工作，而不是简单地将现有的调查移交给委员会。

与此同时，此前接受过特别调查局（DSI）讯问的证人再次被传唤。他们根据选举委员会的程序接受了单独讯问。因此，选举委员会并非简单地沿用其他机构得出的结论。第26委员会通过委员会自身的法定调查程序收集并审查了证据。

后来，选举程序中又增加了一个环节。选举委员会成立了第36委员会，作为参议院案件的特别审查机构。西提乔特先生强调，该委员会的成立并非为了与第26委员会相悖。然而，他透露，第36委员会成立后，调查工作出现了相当长的延误。

据西提乔特先生称，该委员会主席约有45天未召开会议。因此，调查审议在关键时期被延误。该委员会后来得出的结论与第26委员会的结论截然不同。

选举委员会以4比3的投票结果否决了获取更多DSI证据的请求，调查人员正在审查财务线索。

另一方面，特别调查局（DSI）也在进行自己的洗钱调查。在第36委员会审议期间，该部门联系了选举委员会，提供了一些补充证据。据西提乔特先生称，这些材料涉及八名被告。

具体而言，DSI掌握着照片、财务交易记录和电话信息。西提乔特先生希望选举委员会获取并审查这些证据。因此，该问题提交给了全部七位委员。最终投票结果非常接近。

四名委员反对获取DSI的额外资料。三名委员支持将其纳入调查。西提乔特先生是支持这一支持的三人之一。因此，该部分调查并未获取这些额外证据。

鉴于此前关于资金流向的争议，这项决定显得尤为重要。西提乔特先生此前已描述了参议院调查期间发现的资金流动情况。他特别提到了数十万泰铢汇往泰国南部的款项。素叻他尼府在这些证据中占据了显著位置。

Sitthichot 正在追查资金的原始来源，但欧盟委员会却阻挠对资金流向进行更深入的调查。

西提乔特先生在解释调查人员所认定的资金分配路径时，指认了沃拉波·唐潘皮安。沃拉波随后成为选举委员会决定采取行动的77人之一。尽管如此，西提乔特先生仍希望调查人员能够进一步追溯这条资金链。

他的问题很简单：付款人最初是从哪里弄来的钱？在西提乔特先生看来，仅仅确定收款人并不意味着财务调查就结束了。他更希望调查人员查明资金的原始来源。

但他表示，调查人员无法继续沿着这条线索调查下去。他将这一障碍归咎于欧盟委员会以4比3的投票结果决定不提供进一步的财务证据。因此，这条财务线索未能像西提乔特先生希望的那样被追查到底。

调查期间审查的财务资料涉及数人，其中包括苏宾·萨克达 (Subin Sakda)、沃拉波·唐潘皮安 (Worapoj Tangphanphian) 和尼西塔·曼猜 (Nisita Manchai)。苏宾先生被确认为素叻他尼府议员皮猜·乔姆普蓬 (Pichai Chomphuphon) 的助理。

重要的是，调查发现的资金流向并不能确定资金的最终来源，也不构成对政治人物的司法判决。然而，财务证据却成为选举委员会内部争论的焦点。

调查人员正在审查各省的证据，疑似投票名单与参议院主要计票结果相符。

选举委员会随后解释了4比3的投票结果。委员会表示，投票涉及获取DSI（特别调查局）的文件和证据，这些文件和证据来自该部门的另一项调查。多数成员决定在当时阶段不获取这些材料。西提乔特先生的说法则将这一决定置于更广泛的调查争议之中。

此外，财务证据仅是参议院案件的一个方面。调查人员还发现了12份与多个府的会议有关的可疑投票名单。西提乔先生此前已确认这些地点包括那空是贪玛叻府、普吉府和侬磨兰普府。乌泰他尼府、那空沙旺府和素可泰府也被列入其中。

至关重要的是，调查人员将这些名单上的候选人编号与随后的参议院选举结果进行了比对。据西提乔特先生称，可疑名单上的编号与后来获得领先地位的候选人相符。一些候选人最终的排名在第一至第七名之间。

除了这些名单之外，调查人员还审查了与遴选过程相关的人员的会议记录。他们还考虑了电话联系记录、证人证词和财务信息。西提乔特先生认为，这些方面应该统筹考虑。他反对将各个省份发生的事件视为独立事件。

调查人员正在调查政治联系和曼谷酒店会议，此时欧盟委员会即将迎来决定性的分裂。

此前，他将这种调查方法比作“审视整头大象”。实际上，调查人员考察了相隔数百公里发生的各种活动之间可能存在的联系。因此，调查范围不再局限于个别投诉，而是转向考察跨多个省份可能存在的模式。

此外，调查人员还审查了涉及政党成员、政治人员和议员的联系。西提乔特先生表示，在不同地区发现的活动反复涉及与同一政党有关联的人员。这些联系构成了调查的一部分，也是他少数派评估报告的一部分。

然而，这些并非针对该党或其领导层的司法裁决。即便如此，当委员们考虑政治方面是否应该继续推进时，这些关联就显得至关重要。这个问题最终导致了委员会5比2的决定性投票结果。

另一条线索涉及参议院选举后在曼谷一家酒店举行的一次会议。西提乔特先生此前曾描述过与那次会议相关的证人证词。根据证词，参议员们在会上讨论了参议院议长和副议长的选举事宜。

委员会36在调查人员建议对整个229人提起诉讼后，宣布所有229人无罪。

集会期间，有人收缴了手机。西提乔特先生还表示，有人看到一位重要的政党人物离开现场。此外，有消息称另一位高层人物可能在另一个房间里。

大约在同一时期，调查人员审查了涉及政治人物的电话联系记录。这些记录同样构成了委员会审议的调查证据的一部分，但并非针对相关政治人物的司法裁决。

即便如此，当委员会考虑将调查范围扩大到参议员和候选人之外时，证据就显得至关重要。这场争议最终导致了本月初5比2的投票结果。该决定有效地将政治人物与那些将继续受到调查的人区分开来。

调查一度涉及229人，其中包括138名参议员和91名政治人物或其他人士。第26委员会和特别调查局的调查人员建议对全部229人提起诉讼。

相比之下，第36委员会随后得出了截然不同的结论。该委员会成员以5比2的投票结果，否决了全部229项指控。之后，该案移交至七位选举委员进行审议。

选举委员会对77人提起诉讼，此前Sitthichot对多数派就政治人物问题作出的决定提出质疑。

最终，选举委员会决定对77人采取行动，其中包括26名现任参议员和36名符合资格的参议员候选人。另有15人也被列入调查范围。

然而，前两项指控所涉及的政治人物并未被提交。针对他们的投票结果为5比2。西提乔特先生和柴先生反对多数派的决定。

随后，西提乔特先生公开解释了他持少数派立场所依据的证据。他列举了可疑的投票名单、省级会议记录和电话记录，还引用了证人证词和财务往来记录。

此外，他还指出嫌疑人名单与最终候选人排名之间存在相似之处。这位专员援引了在多个省份的调查中发现的政治关联。他认为，应该将这些不同的因素综合考虑。

另一项内容涉及2024年7月21日在曼谷铂尔曼酒店举行的会议。证据表明，至少有40名参议员出席了会议。西提乔特先生还谈到了在会议期间收集手机的情况。

与此同时，调查人员还调查了进出该地点的人员。这些证据构成了调查人员所考虑的更广泛案件的另一部分。然而，委员会的大多数成员并不认为应该对这些政治人物提起诉讼。

参议院调查中，第26委员会提供的证据和第36委员会的筛选产生了截然不同的结果。

西提乔先生和柴先生得出了不同的结论。因此，周三的研讨会为西提乔先生提供了一个公开平台，让他解释分歧是如何产生的。更重要的是，他还详细介绍了最终5比2投票结果公布前所做的各项决定。

总的来说，他的描述展现了一项随着调查进展而发生重大变化的调查。最初，25个委员会负责审查散布在泰国各地的投诉。这些调查难以追踪资金流向和通讯活动，尤其是在各个省份之外。

随后，成立了第26委员会。警方、特别调查局和反洗钱专家参与了调查。证人根据欧盟程序被传唤并接受讯问。调查人员还审查了金融交易和电话记录。

与此同时，调查人员将可疑的投票名单与实际候选人结果进行了比对。他们还调查了多个省份的会议，并结合证人证词审查了政治关系。此外，调查人员还试图追踪个人和地点之间的资金流动。

随后，第36委员会作为筛选层介入调查。据西提乔特先生称，大约过了45天，该委员会主席才召开会议。第36委员会最终得出的结论与中央调查截然不同。

选举委员会两轮投票结果不一，导致西提乔特成为少数派，另有三起参议院案件仍在审理中。

在此过程中，DSI向欧盟委员会通报了其洗钱调查中的其他材料。这些证据涉及八名被告，包括照片、财务信息和电话记录。

尽管有此提议，选举委员会仍以4比3的投票结果否决了获取相关材料的请求。西提乔特先生是三位寻求获取该材料的委员之一。之后，委员们在案件调查的政治人物问题上再次出现分歧。

这次，投票结果为5比2，反对继续推进。西提乔特先生再次成为少数派。柴先生也加入了反对多数派决定的行列。

尽管存在这些分歧，西提乔特先生否认了选举委员会内部存在制度性崩溃的说法。他表示，委员们可以对案件持有不同意见，但仍能继续合作。他还避免公开质疑其他委员的个人动机。

相反，他的叙述重点在于证据、程序和调查决策。他详细列出了调查人员审查了哪些材料，以及他希望将调查范围扩大到哪些领域。他还指出了阻止某些调查步骤的投票结果。

参议院的其他案件仍在审理中，Sitthichot 详细阐述了证据和选举委员会意见分歧严重的决定。

与此同时，9月份的裁决并未终结所有与2024年参议院选举相关的案件。选举委员会仍在处理另外三起参议院案件。西提乔特先生周三证实了这些案件的存在。

其中一项调查涉及在蒙通他尼木星厅集会的团体。另一项调查涉及进步运动。这三项调查均已由第26委员会完成。

因此，这些案件已由参议院调查中使用的中央调查机构进行审查。西提乔特先生表示，这些案件可能会在10月初左右提交给选举委员会全体成员。但他并不清楚第36委员会是否已完成对这些案件的审查。

与此同时，此前已获选举委员会批准的77人正在各自进行相关程序，其中包括26名现任参议员。而此前以5比2投票结果获得确认的政治人物则不在其中。

因此，周三的发言详细阐述了导致截然不同结果的来龙去脉。西提乔特先生描述了在全国选举当天上午发现的可疑投票文件，并详细说明了在各省之间追踪财务证据所遇到的困难。

随后，调查范围扩大至第26委员会。警方、特别调查局（DSI）和反洗钱专家也加入了调查。调查人员审查了电话记录、金融交易、证人证词、省级会议记录以及疑似投票名单。

疑似投票名单、第36委员会的拖延以及选举委员会的分裂投票，构成了参议院持续调查的焦点。

更重要的是，这些可疑名单与参议院的实际选举结果进行了比对。西提乔特先生表示，名单上的数字与后来获得领导职位的候选人相符。调查人员还调查了不同省份的资金流动和政治关系。

此后，第36委员会介入调查。据西提乔特先生称，该委员会主席约45天未召开会议。该委员会后来建议免除所有229名受调查人员的资格。

与此同时，DSI提供了涉及八名被告的补充证据，包括照片、电话记录和财务记录。四名选举委员投票反对获取这些证据，而三名委员则希望将其纳入调查。

最终，委员会全体成员就政治人物问题产生了分歧。五名委员投票反对继续进行相关程序，而西提乔特先生和柴先生投了赞成票。

因此，两次关键的内部投票中，西提乔特先生都站在了少数派一边。第一次投票是关于是否需要补充特别调查组（DSI）的证据，结果为4比3。第二次投票是关于涉及政治人物的诉讼程序，结果为5比2。

这两次投票现在都成为他公开讲述 2024 年参议院调查过程的一部分。

最高法院爆炸性裁决将泰自豪党成员与精心策划的参议院选举舞弊案联系起来

法律界重量级人物计划举办研讨会，审查选举委员会让高级政客逃脱惩罚的举措。

一名选举委员会成员阻挠了总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔试图将参议院丑闻抛诸脑后的努力。

根据周一一系列影响深远的决定和判决，选举委员会的真面目暴露无遗，这警告反对派

选举委员会将77人移交最高法院，此举反而引发了更多疑问而非解答。

在选举委员会就爆炸性的参议院勾结丑闻案件进行投票之前，有人向其发出了挑战。

前为泰党部长警告欧盟委员会成员，关键投票即将到来，他们可能很快就会受到评判。

前总理兼民主党领袖指出，公众对选举委员会缺乏信任。

阿披实转而积极支持反对派揭露2024年参议院选举中大规模勾结行为的努力。

参议院选举舞弊案将于8月迎来最终决战，选举委员会将做出最终决定。

阿努廷总理和泰自豪党就参议院选举指控提起诉讼，这是该党面临的新战线。

反对派和证人呼吁将参议院串谋案提交法院审理，与此同时，选举委员会正在就一起重大案件作出决定。

前官员提交警方报告，揭露2024年参议院选举背后存在巨大阴谋的新证据

强有力的视频证据让饱受争议的选举委员会在参议院勾结指控案中面临更大的压力

反对党和人民党领导人在2014年政变12周年之际抨击“蓝色政权”。

约瑟夫·安东尼是一位来自爱尔兰的侨民，过去十年一直居住在泰国。他曾在爱尔兰和泰国的媒体行业担任过编辑职务，拥有丰富的媒体从业经验。他主要关注泰国的经济和商业新闻，以及侨民的生活方式。

约瑟夫·奥康纳的所有帖子

曼谷机场已开放并恢复航班，但素万那普机场出现延误和行李问题（2026年9月27日）。洪水袭击素万那普机场，乘客等待六小时。

随着锋面移向缅甸，曼谷洪水有所缓解，但曼谷市长警告称，该市需要2-3天才能恢复正常。2026年9月27日，泰国首都曼谷正全力排水。

2026年前8个月的数据显示，由于泰国从中国的进口增加，贸易逆差巨大。2026年9月27日，泰国总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔访问伦敦。

总理指示应对袭击曼谷的突发性洪水危机，曼谷所有50个区均被列为灾区（2026年9月26日，伦敦报道）。曼谷在近300毫米降雨后正与严重洪灾作斗争。

阿努廷总理本周访美，促成了曼谷与华尔街之间更紧密联系的协议。2026年9月26日，华尔街向泰国敞开大门，寻求更紧密的联系。

2026年9月25日，普吉岛发生一起骇人听闻的事件：一名警察的格洛克手枪在滑套动作中走火，导致其49岁的母亲不幸身亡。事发后，这名普吉岛警察将面临致命枪击案的调查。

最高法院重磅裁决将泰自豪党成员与精心策划的参议院选举舞弊案联系起来 2026年9月25日 最高法院揭露2024年选举中的腐败行为

2026年9月25日，华尔街就泰国的地缘政治立场和增长计划对总理及其团队进行了质询。强硬的华尔街投资者对阿努廷总理及其团队提出了质疑。

四人因2022年北大年府致命叛乱爆炸案被判处终身监禁。2026年9月24日，四人的死刑被改判为终身监禁。

2026年9月24日，巴真府泰自豪党政治领袖桑通·维拉旺（Sunthorn Wilawan）的死刑被法院改判为终身监禁。这位87岁的前部长此前被判处死刑。

2026年9月24日，塔玛纳·普罗姆波领导的克拉塔姆党准备组建政府，总理阿努廷严阵以待。塔玛纳·普罗姆波领导的拥有58名议员的克拉塔姆党正朝着这一目标迈进。

2026年9月24日，一名加拿大男子在清迈被捕，他涉嫌强奸一名英国游客，当时距离他离开泰国仅几个小时。警方突袭了38岁的加拿大男子阿尔多·奥乔亚·萨恩斯（Aldo Ochoa Saenz）的住所。

泰国石油基金每周亏损近50亿泰铢，政府疲于应对中东危机 2026年9月23日 泰国石油基金每日亏损7亿泰铢

泰国内政部对以色列在泰国的哈巴德运动网络展开调查，此前有报道称该网络在泰国南部购买土地（2026年9月23日）。泰国内政部扩大了对与以色列有关联的土地的调查范围。

2026年9月22日，马来西亚国王玛哈·哇集拉隆功的第三子查克里瓦特博士健康状况恶化，引发各方关注。

地方政府考试丑闻逼近关键时刻。Rangsiman Rome呼吁首相给出解释（2026年9月22日）。Anutin因45亿泰铢的地方考试丑闻面临越来越大的压力。

泰国空姐米娜因涉嫌贩毒在墨尔本被捕，隧道尽头出现曙光 2026年9月22日 米娜·近藤的澳大利亚毒品案出现希望

2026年9月27日，曼谷附近北榄府发生洪水悲剧，一辆汽车被淹，两人触电身亡。

宪法法院周一的关键投票裁决或将颠覆泰国政府和政治格局 2026年9月27日

2026年9月26日，一名美国公民在芭堤雅被捕，此前联合执法机构突袭了他的郊区住宅，在其住所内发现了一个非法制毒窝点。

泰国警方发出警告，警惕假冒止咳糖浆。2026年9月26日，警方在四次突击行动中捣毁了一个假药帝国。

2026年9月26日，在帕岸岛谋杀并肢解哥伦比亚外科医生的32岁西班牙厨师上诉被驳回。

2026年9月25日星期五上午，芭堤雅一处民宅发生大麻种植场火灾，房屋被烧毁，当地居民出现头晕、头痛等症状。

2026年9月25日，一名33岁男子因母亲拒绝给他买一辆动力更强的车，在乌隆他尼纵火焚烧了自己的本田史酷比汽车。

部长们被指责忽视泰国农民。关键援助资金尚未提交内阁审议（2026年9月25日）

2026年9月24日，总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔因地方政府考试丑闻被议会正式传唤。

前司法部长称赞一项重大破产法案，该法案有望减轻家庭债务负担 2026年9月24日

妮妮·罗亚尔凭借精彩绝伦的《七国军队》压轴表演为泰国赢得大奖，斩获100万美元奖金（2026年9月24日）。

芭堤雅突袭行动后，几名中国男子因涉嫌强奸和敲诈勒索被捕。一名女子于2026年9月23日被关押并戴上镣铐。

数字部长（36岁）兼强大的奇德乔布王朝继承人拥有数亿美元的财富 2026年9月23日

泰国内阁周二通过最新大麻法案，旨在遏制该国失控的大麻产业（2026年9月23日）

法律界重量级人物计划举办研讨会，审查选举委员会让高层政客免于追究责任的举措（2026年9月22日）

文化部长在新闻发布会上驳斥柬埔寨环球小姐选美大赛使用120年前泰国女性照片的做法 2026年9月22日

2026年9月22日，一名35岁泰国女子在台湾遇害，其家人要求归还骨灰并索要经济赔偿。

2026年9月21日，伦敦警察厅根据线报捣毁了以泰国女子“冰雪女王弗蕾雅”为名的性交易团伙。

蜘蛛侠“和平”抗议及逮捕事件：苏梅岛动物园争议最新进展（2026年9月21日）

2026年9月20日星期日，南部省份亚拉发生骚乱，一名助理村长在当晚的袭击中丧生。

普吉岛毒品检查站丑闻。为打击毒品犯罪而设立的国防军小组被指控敲诈勒索。2026年9月20日

他信时代部长回顾泰国2006年政变，呼吁建立以人民为中心的民主制度。2026年9月20日

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