Far-left Democrats had a huge summer. Now they have big demands for party leaders

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The left wing of the Democratic Party flourished this summer as fed-up liberals in key races across the country have eschewed traditional, more moderate candidates in favor of hard-charging progressives.

But behind the scenes, ultra-progressive House members and candidates are pushing their own party leaders to reflect more of that mood — arguing that Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries and his allies are, so far, failing to grasp the demands of far-left voters who showed up in droves this summer.

Those liberals watched in alarm in recent weeks as Jeffries publicly disavowed their marquee “Medicare for All” bill while a pro-Israel Democrat was elevated to a key foreign policy role within the caucus. They also argue his allies were working to undermine a pair of progressive candidates in Michigan and California.

“I was very confused and surprised by that,” Rep. Pramila Jayapal, a senior progressive and author of the House’s “Medicare for All” bill, told CNN about the leader’s comments about her signature bill. She added that she has been having “direct” conversations with Jeffries about it.

The emerging frustrations on the left offer a preview of some of the pressures that await Jeffries if the party can flip the chamber next year, particularly as a new crop of far-left progressive candidates threaten not to support him for leader post-election.

“I think what we’ve seen around the country is that people all over are dissatisfied. They’re not happy with the administration. They’re not happy with the current leadership in the Democratic Party — and are looking for a change,” Dr. Adam Hamawy, a progressive candidate who is likely to win a deep blue seat in New Jersey this November, told CNN. Hamawy is among several candidates fresh off primary victories who have not decided whether to back Jeffries.

“Most Democrats, I think, agree that the current leadership is failing to face the moment,” Hamawy told CNN when asked if he’ll support Jeffries. “I have to see what the choices are and what the situation is.”

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Tensions have long simmered within the Democratic Party, including in its fractious House caucus, where many centrists are privately pleased with what they see as Jeffries’ effort to distance the party from a far-left agenda ahead of a critical election. But the rise of the democratic-socialist wing of the party has drawn new urgency to a major question now facing Jeffries: How much should the party embrace its insurgent left when it’s also trying to win dozens of seats in GOP turf in November?

Nearly all progressives who spoke to CNN said Jeffries is still on track to become speaker next January if Democrats flip the chamber, according to conversations with more than a dozen Democrats. Privately, Jeffries has already met or made plans to meet with five of those insurgent Democrats: Hamawy in New Jersey, Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier in New York, and Melat Kiros in Colorado, according to people familiar with the discussions.

Still, the recent frustrations on the left illustrate the challenge for Jeffries and his leadership team as they navigate the anti-establishment midterm mood within their party. The dissatisfaction goes beyond the upper echelons of leadership: there are preliminary internal discussions among current progressive members about challenging committee leaders and, possibly, instituting term limits for key roles, multiple people told CNN.

“Defeating 10, 30-year incumbents should be a wake-up call to the Democratic establishment that the base is moving underneath them,” Usamah Andrabi, a spokesperson for a group helping to power the far-left wins, Justice Democrats, told CNN. (This cycle, nine of the group’s endorsed candidates won primaries, its biggest year to date.)

Andrabi specifically pointed to Jeffries’ comments on “Medicare for All” – in which Jeffries recently said he did not support the legislation : “Unfortunately, it often feels that the Democratic leadership and establishment don’t even want to acknowledge the ground is moving.”

Progressives, including Hamawy and Avila Chevalier, made clear in interviews with CNN they are coming to Washington to make real progress on an ambitious agenda on affordability and anti-corruption — not to simply antagonize leadership.

“We’re not really going in to fight, we’re going in to deliver on what people want,” Hamawy said.

Yet even Jeffries’ allies acknowledge the challenge awaiting him in January: navigating an intraparty battle over the party’s ideological future. While an emboldened left wing is pushing for a major shake-up in Congress, Jeffries could also face an expanded centrist bloc that humiliated leadership last week when some of its members showed they were willing to defy the party line on key priorities — even if it meant helping Republicans.

That centrist rebellion has since triggered a messy internal feud among House Democrats. Privately, Jeffries and his team are discussing ways to crack down on any of their members voting for procedural motions that hurt the party – a proposal that has infuriated the left and centrists alike, according to Democrats from both factions.

A tense debate has since unfolded over whether party leaders should create new rules for next year to punish members who defy leadership. In a closed-door meeting on Wednesday about leadership’s push, Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar of Texas pushed back firmly, arguing that members need to be able to voice dissent, according to multiple people familiar with the discussions. But he was immediately confronted by others, including Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz of Florida, who argued Democrats shouldn’t be willing to go rogue on the floor.

Those dynamics will be on full display starting with the speaker’s vote in January, if Democrats win the majority.

Avila Chevalier, a community organizer who shook New York City politics by unseating a long-time incumbent this summer, told CNN that she recently had a “positive” conversation with Jeffries.

But she said she hasn’t “come to any final decisions on that yet,” when asked whether she would support Jeffries as party leader, adding: “It’ll be the first vote I make. It’ll set the tone for the kind of representative that my district will have, and I want that vote to mean something to my community.”

Marco Postigo Storel/CNN

Even if many of the far-left incoming Democrats ultimately do support Jeffries, it’s to their advantage not to show their cards just yet – creating what could be powerful leverage to negotiate for their priorities when they first arrive in Congress.

Asked more broadly about her agenda for next year, Avila Chevalier offered a range of “day one” priorities such as ending the sale of weapons to Israel, the Green New Deal for Public Housing and abolishing super PACs – as well as other ideas that are widely backed by the party like universal childcare and raising the minimum wage.

“It’s time that folks who are in DC or elsewhere who might be comfortable with the status quo to recognize that the vast majority of the people of this country are hungry for something different,” she said.

Many liberal Democrats are careful not to openly criticize their own leadership just ahead of a must-win midterm election.

But privately, progressive members and candidates remain concerned by Jeffries’ comments publicly disavowing “Medicare for All” and saying he does not support the Democratic Socialists of America agenda in an interview last month with NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

Asked if he supports the bill, Jeffries said: “No, as you indicated, I haven’t cosponsored the ‘Medicare for All’ legislation that has been introduced over the last several years,” adding: “I do think we need to figure out how to fix our broken health care system and then build something better.”

Jeffries’ allies said his comments also reflect one of his long-time beliefs — that House leaders should not support major bills until there’s broad support in the caucus.

Other progressives are concerned that party leaders are not adequately responding to the movement’s vocal pro-Palestine push. They are, in particular, concerned about the recent elevation of prominent Israel supporter, Rep. Jared Moskowitz of Florida, to a Foreign Affairs subcommittee post that could give him influence over foreign policy next year.

Multiple Democrats told CNN that Jeffries was not involved in the move – saying instead that it was arranged by Rep. Brad Sherman, another Israel ally, who inherited the role after a colleague’s resignation. Moskowitz, who’s facing a tough reelection, asked Sherman if he could have the spot on the panel to help him with pro-Israel voters back home, those people said.

Rep. Gregory Meeks, the top Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Committee, dismissed the left’s criticism, calling the hand-off “standard committee procedure.” He added that Moskowitz had already held an important role on the committee – the top Democrat on the oversight subcommittee, which has since been passed off to Rep. Jonathan Jackson of Illinois.

“I don’t know what the left’s problem is,” Meeks said, adding that he believes his committee is “very balanced” on the issue of Israel.

Still, the rise of Moskowitz has emerged as a major flashpoint among progressive lawmakers and candidates, especially after Jeffries had appealed to the left earlier this year by declaring that “American policy in the Middle East must change” after he opposed cutting taxpayer aid to Israel during a landmark vote earlier this year.

Then there are party leaders’ recent moves on the campaign trail.

In California, progressives are furious that their state’s delegation leader, Rep. Zoe Lofgren, tried to tank a left-wing candidate in a bitter fight to fill the seat of former Rep. Eric Swalwell.

Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Progressive candidate, state Sen. Aisha Wahab, won the state party’s endorsement and secured the most votes in two separate primaries for the seat (including a special election) – though she failed to top the 50 percent needed to avoid a runoff.

Ahead of that August 18 runoff, Lofgren, a leadership ally, released a video statement questioning Wahab’s fitness to serve in Congress and instead endorsed a more moderate candidate for the upcoming runoff.

The drama began after Lofgren and others, including No. 3 House Democrat Rep. Pete Aguilar, argued that California Democrats needed to fill the seat as quickly as possible and should install a “placeholder” Democrat to the seat temporarily.

But progressives argued Lofgren was simply trying to keep Wahab out of the role, giving the more moderate — and AIPAC-backed — candidate a better chance of winning a full term for the seat in November. (A person familiar with the subject said the congresswoman wasn’t opposing her due to her progressive policy stands, but rather because of Wahab’s refusal to back the push to install a “placeholder” Democrat to the seat through January.)

Wahab still won and was sworn into the House last week. But the cost, progressives say, was millions of dollars in spending in the election that could have gone toward defeating Republicans.

J. Scott Applewhite/AP

Wahab has since spoken with both Lofgren and Aguilar and they congratulated her on her win, she told KCRA 3 News . But one of Wahab’s most vocal supporters, Amar Shergill, a prominent progressive activist in California, told CNN that he still blames party leaders for allowing such a “shocking” intervention against the candidate endorsed by the state party.

“I’ve never seen anything like it, it was unprecedented,” Shergill said. “Lofgren leads the largest congressional delegation in the country. When she makes moves behind the scenes, everybody hears about it. It’s impossible for DC leadership not to know what she’s doing.”

“It was a tough primary but we’re looking forward to everyone coalescing around her and putting the primary behind us,” said Evan Brown, executive director of the Congressional Progressive Caucus PAC.

Meanwhile, in Michigan, progressives are fuming that the House Democrats’ campaign arm has refused to publicly promote left-wing Democrat, Will Lawrence, roughly a month after he won a nasty three-way primary there.

At issue: The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has so far declined to add Lawrence to a coveted list of their priority House candidates, in part out of deference to leaders of the Congressional Black Caucus, multiple people involved in discussions about the issue told CNN.

The CBC has yet to endorse Lawrence after their public battle with him during the primary over his 2024 comments criticizing Black political leaders. Lawrence, a White climate activist who recently let his DSA membership lapse, came under fire from senior Black Democrats, including Jeffries and Meeks for saying Black political leaders “ defang the White left .”

Lawrence, in previous interviews with CNN, has apologized for his “choice of words” in that statement. And some House progressives are “absolutely apoplectic” that party leaders have not yet backed him, according to one of those people.

Andrew Roth/Sipa USA/AP

“We’re working on a path forward when it comes to being able to support him,” a Black Caucus strategist with knowledge of the situation told CNN.

The list, run by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, is effectively seen as a “stamp of approval” from party leaders — a flashing sign for party groups and donors to put their support behind the strongest candidates. Lawrence’s absence, progressives say, is depriving him of a big fundraising boost to help defeat GOP Rep. Tom Barrett.

The flare-up in Michigan comes after party leaders did get behind a slew of other progressive candidates in key races - including some who defeated party-preferred candidates - such as Randy Villegas in a pivotal California swing seat.

The DCCC and Lawrence’s campaign declined to comment. But one person familiar with the inner-workings of the DCCC told CNN that the group has been “working every day” with Lawrence’s team to defeat Barrett in November.

Meeks, who runs the Black Caucus’s PAC, said he’s had “good conversations” with Lawrence over the phone and is looking forward to sitting down with him in Washington soon.

“We’ll talk. I think we’re going to get that resolved,” he said. “If you look at him, compared to who he’s running against, we want him to win.”

Finn Gomez/Getty Images

今年夏天，民主党左翼蓬勃发展，全国各地关键选区的自由派人士对传统温和的候选人感到厌倦，转而支持强硬的进步派。

但在幕后，极度进步的众议院议员和候选人正在敦促他们自己的党内领导人更多地反映这种情绪——他们认为，到目前为止，民主党领导人哈基姆·杰弗里斯和他的盟友还没有理解今年夏天大量涌现的极左选民的要求。

最近几周，杰弗里斯公开否认了他们引以为傲的“全民医保”法案，与此同时，一位亲以色列的民主党人却被提拔到党团内部负责外交政策的关键职位，这令自由派人士感到震惊。他们还认为，杰弗里斯的盟友正试图破坏密歇根州和加利福尼亚州两位进步派候选人的竞选。

“我对此感到非常困惑和惊讶，”资深进步派众议员、众议院“全民医保”法案的发起人之一普拉米拉·贾亚帕尔(Pramila Jayapal)在接受CNN采访时谈到这位领导人对其标志性法案的评论时说道。她补充说，她一直在就此事与杰弗里斯进行“直接”对话。

左翼人士日益增长的不满情绪预示着，如果民主党明年能够赢得参议院的控制权，杰弗里斯将面临一些压力，尤其是一批新的极左进步候选人威胁说，选举后不会支持他担任党魁。

“我认为我们在全国各地看到的都是民众普遍不满。他们对政府不满，对民主党目前的领导层不满，他们渴望改变，”进步派候选人亚当·哈马维博士告诉CNN。哈马维博士很可能在今年11月赢得新泽西州一个民主党传统票仓的席位。哈马维是几位刚刚赢得初选、尚未决定是否支持杰弗里斯的候选人之一。

“我认为大多数民主党人都同意，目前的领导层未能应对当前的局面，”哈马维在被问及是否会支持杰弗里斯时告诉CNN。“我必须看看有哪些选择，以及形势如何。”

德鲁·安格勒/法新社/盖蒂图片社

民主党内部的紧张局势由来已久，包括其内部派系林立的众议院党团内部。许多中间派私下里对杰弗里斯在关键选举前努力使民主党与极左议程保持距离的做法感到欣慰。但民主党内民主社会主义派的崛起，使得杰弗里斯面临的一个重大问题变得更加紧迫：当民主党还要在11月的大选中力图在共和党的传统票仓中赢得数十个席位时，它应该在多大程度上接纳其内部的左翼势力？

据CNN采访的十几位民主党人士透露，几乎所有接受采访的进步派人士都表示，如果民主党在明年1月赢得众议院多数席位，杰弗里斯仍有望出任议长。据知情人士透露，杰弗里斯私下已经与五位有望改变战局的民主党人会面或计划会面，他们分别是：新泽西州的哈马维、纽约州的克莱尔·瓦尔德斯和达里亚利扎·阿维拉·谢瓦利埃，以及科罗拉多州的梅拉特·基罗斯。

尽管如此，左翼近期的种种不满也凸显了杰弗里斯及其领导团队在应对党内中期选举反建制情绪时所面临的挑战。这种不满情绪并非仅限于高层领导：据多位人士向CNN透露，现任进步派成员之间已就挑战委员会领导人以及可能对关键职位实行任期限制等问题展开初步内部讨论。

“击败10位连任30年的现任议员应该给民主党建制派敲响警钟，表明他们的支持者正在倒向其他党派，”支持极左翼候选人获胜的组织“正义民主党人”（Justice Democrats）的发言人乌萨马·安德拉比（Usamah Andrabi）告诉CNN。（本轮选举中，该组织支持的9位候选人赢得了初选，这是该组织迄今为止取得的最大胜利。）

安德拉比特别提到了杰弗里斯对“全民医保”的评论——杰弗里斯最近表示他不支持这项立法：“不幸的是，人们常常感觉民主党领导层和建制派甚至都不愿承认形势正在发生变化。”

包括哈马维和阿维拉·舍瓦利埃在内的进步人士在接受 CNN 采访时明确表示，他们来到华盛顿是为了在提高住房可负担性和反腐败方面取得真正的进展，而不是仅仅为了与领导层对抗。

“我们不是去打仗，而是去满足人们的愿望，”哈马维说。

然而，就连杰弗里斯的盟友也承认，他明年一月将面临严峻挑战：如何应对党内围绕党内意识形态未来的斗争。尽管左翼势力日益壮大，正力图对国会进行重大改组，但杰弗里斯也可能面临日益壮大的中间派阵营。上周，该阵营的部分成员公开表示，他们愿意在关键议题上违背党的路线——即便这意味着帮助共和党人——这令党的领导层颜面尽失。

这场中间派的反叛此后引发了众议院民主党内部一场混乱的争斗。私下里，杰弗里斯和他的团队正在讨论如何打击任何投票支持损害党派利益的程序性动议的党员——据民主党内外人士透露，这一提议激怒了左派和中间派。

此后，党内领导人就明年是否应制定新规惩罚违抗领导层指令的党员展开了激烈的辩论。据多位知情人士透露，在周三举行的闭门会议上，德克萨斯州进步党团主席格雷格·卡萨尔就领导层的推动进行了坚决反对，他认为党员需要有权表达异议。但他的观点立即遭到其他成员的反驳，其中包括佛罗里达州众议员黛比·沃瑟曼·舒尔茨，后者认为民主党人不应该在议会中擅自行动。

如果民主党赢得多数席位，那么从1月份议长投票开始，这些动态将全面展现出来。

今年夏天，社区组织者阿维拉·谢瓦利埃 (Avila Chevalier) 击败了一位长期担任纽约市议员的现任官员，震动了纽约市政坛。她告诉 CNN，她最近与杰弗里斯进行了一次“积极的”谈话。

但当被问及是否会支持杰弗里斯担任党魁时，她说她“还没有做出任何最终决定”，并补充道：“这将是我投出的第一张选票。它将决定我所在选区的代表是什么样的人，我希望我的这一票对我的社区有意义。”

Marco Postigo Storel/CNN

即使许多极左翼的新民主党人最终支持杰弗里斯，对他们来说，现在就亮出底牌也是有利的——这样一来，当他们初入国会时，就能拥有强大的谈判筹码，为自己的优先事项进行谈判。

当被问及明年的施政纲领时，阿维拉·舍瓦利埃提出了一系列“上任第一天”的优先事项，例如停止向以色列出售武器、为公共住房推行绿色新政以及废除超级政治行动委员会——以及其他一些得到党内广泛支持的想法，例如普及儿童保育和提高最低工资。

她说：“现在是时候让身处华盛顿特区或其他地方、可能对现状感到满意的人们认识到，这个国家的绝大多数人民渴望一些不同的东西了。”

许多自由派民主党人小心翼翼地避免在必须赢得的中期选举前公开批评自己的领导层。

但私下里，进步派成员和候选人仍然对杰弗里斯上个月在接受 NBC“会见媒体”节目采访时公开否认“全民医保”并表示不支持美国民主社会主义者议程的言论感到担忧。

当被问及是否支持该法案时，杰弗里斯说：“不，正如你所指出的，我没有共同发起过去几年提出的‘全民医保’立法。”他补充道：“我确实认为我们需要想办法修复我们支离破碎的医疗保健系统，然后建立更好的系统。”

杰弗里斯的盟友表示，他的言论也反映了他长期以来的一个信念——众议院领导人在党团会议获得广泛支持之前，不应该支持重大法案。

其他进步人士则担心，党内领导人对该运动中公开支持巴勒斯坦的呼声回应不足。他们尤其担忧的是，近期佛罗里达州众议员贾里德·莫斯科维茨（Jared Moskowitz）——一位知名的以色列支持者——被提拔到外交事务小组委员会任职，这可能使他明年对外交政策产生影响。

多位民主党人士告诉CNN，杰弗里斯并未参与此事，而是另一位以色列盟友、众议员布拉德·谢尔曼安排的。谢尔曼是在一位同事辞职后接任该职位的。这些人士称，面临艰难连任的莫斯科维茨曾询问谢尔曼，能否让他加入该委员会，以帮助他在家乡争取亲以色列选民的支持。

众议院外交事务委员会首席民主党议员格雷戈里·米克斯驳斥了左翼的批评，称此次交接是“委员会的标准程序”。他还补充说，莫斯科维茨此前已在委员会中担任要职——他是监督小组委员会的首席民主党议员，该职位现已移交给伊利诺伊州众议员乔纳森·杰克逊。

米克斯说：“我不知道左派的问题是什么。”他还补充说，他认为他的委员会在以色列问题上“非常平衡”。

尽管如此，莫斯科维茨的崛起已成为进步派立法者和候选人之间的一个主要争议点，尤其是在杰弗里斯今年早些时候向左翼发出呼吁之后，他宣称“美国在中东的政策必须改变”，此前他在今年早些时候的一次具有里程碑意义的投票中反对削减对以色列的纳税人援助。

此外，还有各政党领导人在竞选活动中的最新举措。

在加利福尼亚州，进步人士非常愤怒，因为该州代表团团长、众议员佐伊·洛夫格伦试图在一场激烈的竞争中阻挠一位左翼候选人，以填补前众议员埃里克·斯瓦尔韦尔的席位。

Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

进步派候选人、州参议员艾莎·瓦哈卜赢得了州党的支持，并在两次不同的初选中（包括一次特别选举）获得了最多的选票——尽管她未能超过避免决选所需的 50%。

在 8 月 18 日决选之前，领导层盟友洛夫格伦发布了一段视频声明，质疑瓦哈布是否适合在国会任职，并转而支持一位更为温和的候选人参加即将到来的决选。

这场风波始于洛夫格伦和包括众议院民主党第三号人物皮特·阿吉拉尔在内的其他人，他们认为加州民主党人需要尽快填补这个席位，应该暂时任命一名“占位”民主党人担任该席位。

但进步派人士认为，洛夫格伦只是想阻止瓦哈布担任该职位，从而让立场更为温和、且得到美国以色列公共事务委员会（AIPAC）支持的候选人更有可能在11月赢得该席位的完整任期。（一位知情人士表示，这位女议员反对瓦哈布并非因为她的进步政策立场，而是因为瓦哈布拒绝支持任命一位“临时”民主党人担任该席位直至明年1月的提议。）

瓦哈布最终还是赢得了选举，并于上周宣誓就任众议员。但进步人士指出，代价是数百万美元的选举支出，这些钱原本可以用来击败共和党人。

J. Scott Applewhite/美联社

瓦哈布告诉KCRA 3新闻，她之后与洛夫格伦和阿吉拉尔都谈过，两人都祝贺她获胜。但瓦哈布最直言不讳的支持者之一，加州著名进步活动家阿马尔·谢尔吉尔告诉CNN，他仍然指责党内领导人允许对州党支持的候选人进行如此“令人震惊”的干预。

“我从未见过这样的事，真是史无前例，”谢尔吉尔说。“洛夫格伦领导着全国最大的国会代表团。她在幕后的任何举动，人尽皆知。华盛顿的领导层不可能不知道她在做什么。”

“初选很艰难，但我们期待大家团结在她周围，把初选抛在脑后，”国会进步党团政治行动委员会执行主任埃文·布朗说。

与此同时，在密歇根州，进步人士对众议院民主党竞选机构拒绝公开支持左翼民主党人威尔·劳伦斯感到愤怒，尽管他大约一个月前才赢得了一场激烈的三方初选。

问题是：据参与讨论此事的多位人士向 CNN 透露，民主党国会竞选委员会迄今为止拒绝将劳伦斯列入其备受瞩目的众议院优先候选人名单，部分原因是出于对国会黑人议员团领导人的尊重。

在初选期间，劳伦斯因其批评黑人政治领袖的言论而与黑人民主党人公开交锋，此后，黑人民主党人协会（CBC）尚未公开支持他。劳伦斯是一位白人气候活动家，最近他的美国民主社会主义者协会（DSA）会员资格失效。他曾表示黑人政治领袖“削弱了白人左翼的力量”，因此遭到包括杰弗里斯和米克斯在内的多位资深黑人民主党人的抨击。

劳伦斯此前在接受CNN采访时，已就他在那份声明中的“措辞”道歉。据一位知情人士透露，一些众议院进步派人士对党内领导人至今仍未支持他感到“非常愤怒”。

Andrew Roth/Sipa USA/美联社

一位了解情况的黑人议员团策略师告诉 CNN：“我们正在努力寻找支持他的办法。”

这份由民主党国会竞选委员会发布的名单，实际上被视为党内领导人的“认可印章”——一个向党内团体和捐助者发出信号，鼓励他们支持最有希望的候选人。进步人士表示，劳伦斯的缺席让他错失了一次重要的筹款机会，而这将有助于他击败共和党众议员汤姆·巴雷特。

在密歇根州爆发冲突之前，该党领导人确实支持了一系列其他进步派候选人参加关键竞选——其中包括一些击败了党内属意候选人的候选人——例如在加州一个关键摇摆选区击败兰迪·维勒加斯的候选人。

民主党国会竞选委员会（DCCC）和劳伦斯竞选团队均拒绝置评。但一位熟悉DCCC内部运作的人士告诉CNN，该组织一直在与劳伦斯团队“每天合作”，力求在11月的大选中击败巴雷特。

负责黑人议员团政治行动委员会的米克斯表示，他已经与劳伦斯通过电话进行了“良好的对话”，并期待着很快能在华盛顿与他坐下来会面。

“我们会谈谈的。我想我们能解决这个问题，”他说。“如果你看看他，再看看他的竞选对手，我们当然希望他能赢。”