GOP candidate rails against Sharia law while trying to expand ‘100% halal’ pizza shops in the Middle East

Casey Askar for Congress

Casey Askar, a GOP House candidate and pizza magnate, has campaigned heavily on keeping Sharia law out of the United States. He’s called the religious legal framework a “growing threat” and has promised voters he’d join the Sharia-Free America Caucus if elected in his competitive Florida district.

But as a businessman seeking new customers, Askar has been decidedly more welcoming of followers of Sharia.

As he sought to expand his restaurant chains in the Middle East last year, Askar partnered with a firm promoting his pizzerias as “100% halal” – noting a dietary restriction spelled out as part of the same Islamic tradition he’s called dangerous as a candidate.

He also traveled extensively around the Middle East, posing for photos with business leaders and royalty in Saudi Arabia and other countries that operate under Sharia-based legal systems.

This contrast between his corporate practices and campaign rhetoric is the starkest example of a larger clash between the politician’s campaign and the businessman’s record, according to a CNN review of Askar’s dozens of financial holdings. While he’s touted his American success story on the trail, he’s also been dogged for years by investment partners who say he burned them and regulators who accuse him of breaking the rules.

“Many public people are willing to have great relationships, but then when it’s also convenient to sow hatred against the Muslim community, then they are also equally happy to do that,” Corey Saylor, a spokesperson for the Council on American-Islamic Relations, told CNN.

Askar said in a statement that he has “neither invested in or received investments from the Middle East, and that business decision is not going to change.” He defended his statements against Sharia law.

“We must do whatever it takes to protect our citizens from the efforts by domestic radical Islamists to destroy our American way of life,” said Askar, who did not respond to more detailed questions about his business record.

Askar has told his rags-to-riches story often on the campaign trail, beginning with his family fleeing religious persecution as Christians in Iraq.

They settled in Michigan, where Askar grew up before serving in the Marines and then later partnering with his brother to build a business empire spanning commercial real estate and franchises of fast-casual foods like pizza.

Two decades after relocating to Florida, his financial disclosures show millions of dollars in holdings tied to those restaurant ventures and other investments. As a politician, Askar has touted his success as an entrepreneur, noting that he built a “business that employs thousands.”

A CNN review of court records, business filings and interviews with former associates also found a long trail of financial and legal disputes that have followed Askar since his early days as an entrepreneur.

An electrician who sold the candidate a limousine in 2001 told CNN it took months to recover his money after receiving a bad check from Askar. He ultimately sued Askar — who by then owned several local gyms — and his business, recouping his financial loss through a 2002 settlement. Askar initially asked the judge to dismiss the case but was denied.

After Askar’s restaurant franchise Papa Romano’s Pizza merged with the Michigan chain Mr. Pita in 2007, his former business partner Frank Lombardo sued Askar for breach of contract and wrongful termination. A court ruled that Askar’s business owed Lombardo more than $900,000. In a legal filing, a lawyer for Askar’s business accused Lombardo of not negotiating in good faith and harming the company’s financial prospects. The judgments were later satisfied in 2012.

In 2016, the Seminole Tribe of Florida sued Askar’s fuel distribution business, alleging theft of trade secrets and other business misconduct. Askar and his associates later denied the allegations. A tribal court found the company owed more than $2.5 million, touching off a legal fight that stretched on for nearly a decade. The case eventually settled in 2024.

More recently, Askar has faced significant problems with an abandoned office tower in Hartford, Connecticut that one of his companies bought in 2020 with plans for a major renovation . Instead, Askar’s company has racked up hundreds of thousands of dollars in liens and multiple lawsuits over the property, with one judge finding the business had engaged in a “continuing pattern of delay and noncompliance” in the legal proceeding.

Hartford’s mayor added Askar to a list of “problem landlords” last year, and the city plans to auction the property to the highest bidder in November to pay more than $860,000 in delinquent taxes. The auction will take place three days after the election.

In legal filings, lawyers for Askar’s company have argued that a business partner misrepresented the condition of the office tower and that the Covid-19 pandemic’s impact on the rental market made the renovation project financially impossible.

The Federal Election Commission took issue with Askar’s use of another property – a massive Connecticut mansion he bought from the rapper 50 Cent in 2019 for $2.9 million.

Askar used $3 million from a line of credit from Northern Bank & Trust Company, backed by a mortgage on the house and several other properties, to fund his first run for Congress in 2020 – though mortgage documents say the loan was intended to be used to remodel Dunkin’ stores.

During the primary, which Askar lost to Rep. Byron Donalds, a Florida resident filed a complaint with the FEC, noting that Askar’s campaign had reported conflicting details about the loan and that the CEO of Northern Bank and his wife had donated more than $11,000 to the campaign, according to FEC records .

At the time, a lawyer for Askar’s campaign argued in a filing that there had been no violation, writing that the bank loan was made in the “ordinary course of business” and that Askar was allowed to lend funds from that line of credit to his campaign.

But in 2022, the FEC found “reason to believe” that Askar’s campaign had violated campaign finance law by failing to accurately report information about the loan. Florida court records show Askar later sued the man who complained to the FEC for defamation; a judge dismissed the lawsuit and ordered Askar to pay the man’s attorney’s fees.

Now, Askar is again funding his campaign primarily with a loan from himself. As of late July, he had loaned his campaign $2.5 million – 43 times as much as the roughly $58,000 he had received in campaign contributions, FEC records show. According to his financial disclosure, he still owed Northern Bank between $1 million and $5 million on the line of credit from January 2020.

In total, Askar reported owing Northern Bank between $41 million and $130 million across five different loans.

When Askar first ran for Congress in 2020, Islam was not a major theme of his campaign.

But this year, GOP candidates have shown renewed opposition to Sharia, Islam’s religious and legal framework derived from the Quran and prophetic tradition. At the Republican midterm convention in Texas last month, language demonizing Muslims emerged as a key theme – with many top Republicans calling Sharia a growing domestic threat.

On the campaign trail, Askar has fanned similar rhetorical flames. He said over the summer at a candidate forum that “Sharia law is extremely dangerous” and that “Islam and Christianity just do not mesh,” according to The Floridian.

In a 9/11 anniversary post this month, he wrote that Americans “must stay vigilant on the growing threat that Sharia Law poses.” He has also promised to join the newly formed Sharia-Free America Caucus if elected.

Askar has also purported that Muslim immigration poses a danger to Western societies, arguing at a forum in June that mass migration to Europe – which he referred to as “Christendom” – should serve as a dire warning to the United States.

Earlier this month, Askar again promised to join the Sharia-Free America Caucus and wrote: “Radical Islam is a growing threat to America and must be eliminated.”

Askar’s business, though, has sought to embrace followers of Islamic tradition as it has looked to expand overseas.

Last September, the consulting firm Franchise Arabia announced a partnership with Askar Brands to grow two restaurants in its portfolio – Sarpino’s Pizzeria and Blackjack Pizza & Salads – in the Middle East. Askar celebrated the partnership in a news release, citing the region’s “thriving economy.”

“We’re excited to bring our brands to the MENA region and introduce our proven franchise systems to a new generation of entrepreneurs,” he said at the time, using an acronym for the Middle East and North Africa.

Both of Askar’s pizza chains that are represented by Franchise Arabia are denoted as “halal franchises” on its website. Advertisements to potential franchisees, including videos posted within the last month, similarly tout the future restaurants as serving “100% halal meat” – in other words, permissible for Muslims to eat according to religious dietary laws.

Shortly after the partnership was announced, Askar embarked on a business “roadshow” through the Middle East, including countries where Sharia serves as a foundation for the legal system. Photos from his trip, posted in October of last year, were shared by Franchise Arabia’s CEO Omar Al-Haza’a, a self-described “Royal Family Advisor” based in Dubai.

In several photos shared by Al-Haza’a, Askar is seen smiling next to executives and royal figures, with captions celebrating the potential expansion of his business footprint in the region. In one image, Askar and his son pose in Dubai with Sheikh Mansour Al-Thani, a member of the Qatari ruling family.

In February, Al-Haza’a posted a picture of the two men alongside another prominent Qatari businessman. The following month, the pair were again photographed at a charity event hosted by Askar and his wife. In a recent Instagram post, Al-Haza’a referred to Askar as “my good friend.”

When contacted by CNN, a spokesperson for Franchise Arabia declined to comment, citing client confidentiality. CNN was unable to confirm any Middle Eastern locations of the brands have yet opened.

Askar’s business connection to the Middle East appears to predate this latest venture. In November 2023, Askar met with a consulting firm working on behalf of the Embassy of Saudi Arabia, according to a Foreign Agents Registration Act document reviewed by CNN. Askar’s business partner and campaign donor also met with the Saudi-linked group two times that same month. It’s unclear what the meetings were about.

As Askar embraces anti-Sharia rhetoric, he faces an increasingly competitive race in a district Florida’s GOP-controlled legislature redrew this year to try to gain a red seat.

While Trump won Askar’s district under its redrawn lines by 10 points in 2024, Republicans nationally are facing a significant Democratic surge even in conservative-leaning seats, polling suggests. Political observers rate Askar’s race as among the most competitive districts in the country that will determine the House majority.

The National Republican Congressional Committee, the political organization that holds the purse strings for GOP candidates, signaled its willingness to spend to boost Askar’s chances earlier this month, adding him to the 2026 MAGA Majority program.

His opponent, Democrat Pia Dandiya, a former educator, was recently added to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s “Red to Blue” program.

Askar could see targeting Sharia as a safe wedge issue for his base going into November, said Nazita Lajevardi, a political scientist at the University of Michigan, who said anti-Muslim rhetoric “seems to be a strategy that many are turning to in this election.”

凯西·阿斯卡竞选国会议员

共和党众议员候选人、披萨大亨凯西·阿斯卡尔(Casey Askar)大力宣传将伊斯兰教法排除在美国之外。他称这一宗教法律框架是“日益严重的威胁”，并向选民承诺，如果他在竞争激烈的佛罗里达州选区当选，他将加入“无伊斯兰教法美国党团”。

但作为一名寻求新客户的商人，阿斯卡尔显然对伊斯兰教法的追随者更加欢迎。

去年，阿斯卡尔为了在中东扩张他的连锁餐厅，与一家公司合作，将他的披萨店宣传为“100%清真”——他指出，清真饮食是伊斯兰教传统的一部分，而他本人也曾称清真饮食是危险的。

他还广泛游历了中东地区，与沙特阿拉伯和其他实行伊斯兰教法的国家的商界领袖和皇室成员合影留念。

据CNN对阿斯卡尔数十项金融资产的审查显示，他竞选时的言辞与企业经营方式的鲜明对比，是其政治生涯与商业生涯之间更大冲突的最突出例证。尽管他在竞选期间大肆宣扬自己的美国成功故事，但多年来，他一直受到投资伙伴的指责，他们声称他让他们蒙受损失；监管机构也指控他违反了相关规定。

“许多公众人物都愿意与人建立良好的关系，但当煽动对穆斯林社区的仇恨对他们有利时，他们也同样乐意这样做，”美国伊斯兰关系委员会发言人科里·塞勒告诉 CNN。

阿斯卡尔在一份声明中表示，他“既没有在中东投资，也没有接受来自中东的投资，这一商业决定不会改变”。他为自己的言论辩护，否认其与伊斯兰教法相悖。

“我们必须竭尽全力保护我们的公民免受国内激进伊斯兰分子破坏我们美国生活方式的企图，”阿斯卡尔说道，但他没有回答有关其商业记录的更详细问题。

阿斯卡尔在竞选活动中经常讲述他白手起家的故事，故事的开端是他的家人因信仰基督教而逃离伊拉克。

他们定居在密歇根州，阿斯卡在那里长大，之后在海军陆战队服役，后来与他的兄弟合作建立了一个商业帝国，业务涵盖商业地产和披萨等快餐连锁店。

移居佛罗里达州二十年后，他的财务披露显示，他名下拥有数百万美元的资产，这些资产与他之前的餐饮企业和其他投资有关。作为一名政治家，阿斯卡尔一直吹嘘自己作为企业家的成功，并声称他建立了一个“雇佣了数千人的企业”。

CNN 对法庭记录、商业文件以及对前合伙人的采访也发现，自 Askar 早年创业以来，他一直深陷财务和法律纠纷的泥潭。

一位曾在2001年向这位候选人出售豪华轿车的电工告诉CNN，他收到阿斯卡尔开出的空头支票后，花了几个月才追回款项。他最终起诉了阿斯卡尔——当时阿斯卡尔已拥有多家当地健身房——及其公司，并通过2002年的和解协议挽回了经济损失。阿斯卡尔最初请求法官驳回此案，但遭到拒绝。

2007年，阿斯卡的连锁餐厅“帕帕罗马诺披萨”（Papa Romano's Pizza）与密歇根州连锁餐厅“皮塔先生”（Mr. Pita）合并后，他的前商业伙伴弗兰克·隆巴多(Frank Lombardo)起诉阿斯卡违反合同并非法解雇。法院裁定阿斯卡的公司欠隆巴多超过90万美元。在提交的法律文件中，阿斯卡公司的律师指责隆巴多没有进行真诚的谈判，损害了公司的财务前景。这些判决最终于2012年得到执行。

2016年，佛罗里达州塞米诺尔部落起诉阿斯卡的燃料分销业务，指控其窃取商业机密及其他商业不当行为。阿斯卡及其同伙随后否认了这些指控。部落法院裁定该公司欠款超过250万美元，由此引发了一场持续近十年的法律诉讼。该案最终于2024年达成和解。

最近，阿斯卡尔又面临着一个棘手的问题：他名下的一家公司在康涅狄格州哈特福德收购了一栋废弃的办公大楼，并计划对其进行大规模翻新。然而，事与愿违，阿斯卡尔的公司却因此背负了数十万美元的留置权，并卷入了多起诉讼。其中一位法官甚至认定，该公司在法律程序中存在“持续拖延和不遵守规定”的行为。

哈特福德市长去年将阿斯卡尔列入“问题房东”名单，该市计划于11月将该房产拍卖给出价最高者，以偿还超过86万美元的拖欠税款。拍卖将在选举三天后举行。

在法律文件中，阿斯卡尔公司的律师辩称，一位商业伙伴歪曲了办公楼的状况，并且新冠疫情对租赁市场的影响使得翻新项目在经济上变得不可能。

联邦选举委员会对阿斯卡使用另一处房产提出异议——这是他在 2019 年以 290 万美元从说唱歌手 50 Cent 手中买下的位于康涅狄格州的一栋豪宅。

阿斯卡尔利用北方银行信托公司提供的 300 万美元信贷额度，以房屋和其他几处房产的抵押贷款作为担保，资助了他 2020 年的首次国会竞选——尽管抵押贷款文件显示，这笔贷款原本是打算用于翻新唐恩都乐门店的。

在初选中，阿斯卡输给了众议员拜伦·唐纳兹，一位佛罗里达州居民向联邦选举委员会提出申诉，指出阿斯卡的竞选活动报告了有关贷款的相互矛盾的细节，并且根据联邦选举委员会的记录，北方银行的首席执行官和他的妻子向竞选活动捐赠了超过 11,000 美元。

当时，阿斯卡竞选团队的律师在一份文件中辩称，这并非违规行为，并写道，这笔银行贷款是在“正常业务过程中”发放的，阿斯卡有权从该信贷额度中向其竞选活动提供贷款。

但2022年，联邦选举委员会认定有“理由相信”阿斯卡的竞选活动违反了竞选财务法，未能如实报告贷款信息。佛罗里达州法院记录显示，阿斯卡后来起诉了向联邦选举委员会投诉的那名男子，指控其诽谤；法官驳回了该诉讼，并责令阿斯卡支付该男子的律师费。

如今，阿斯卡尔再次主要依靠自有贷款来资助竞选活动。联邦选举委员会的记录显示，截至7月底，他已向竞选活动贷款250万美元，是其收到的约5.8万美元竞选捐款的43倍。根据他的财务披露，他仍欠北方银行100万至500万美元的信用额度，该额度始于2020年1月。

据 Askar 报告，他总共欠北方银行 4100 万美元至 1.3 亿美元，涉及五笔不同的贷款。

阿斯卡尔在 2020 年首次竞选国大党议员时，伊斯兰教并不是他竞选的主要主题。

但今年，共和党候选人再次表现出对伊斯兰教法（Sharia）的反对，伊斯兰教法是源自《古兰经》和先知传统的宗教和法律框架。在上个月于德克萨斯州举行的共和党中期选举大会上，妖魔化穆斯林的言论成为一个关键主题——许多共和党高层人士称伊斯兰教法对美国国内构成日益严重的威胁。

在竞选过程中，阿斯卡尔也发表了类似的煽动性言论。据《佛罗里达人报》报道，他曾在夏季的一次候选人论坛上表示，“伊斯兰教法极其危险”，并且“伊斯兰教和基督教根本无法融合”。

在本月一篇纪念9/11事件的文章中，他写道，美国人“必须对伊斯兰教法日益增长的威胁保持警惕”。他还承诺，如果当选，将加入新成立的“无伊斯兰教法美国联盟”。

阿斯卡尔还声称穆斯林移民对西方社会构成威胁，他在 6 月份的一个论坛上辩称，大规模移民到欧洲（他称之为“基督教世界”）应该对美国发出严厉警告。

本月初，阿斯卡尔再次承诺加入“无伊斯兰教法美国核心小组”，并写道：“激进伊斯兰对美国构成日益严重的威胁，必须予以消除。”

不过，阿斯卡尔的企业在寻求海外扩张的过程中，一直努力吸纳伊斯兰传统的追随者。

去年九月，咨询公司 Franchise Arabia 宣布与 Askar Brands 达成合作，在中东地区拓展其旗下两家餐厅品牌——Sarpino's Pizzeria 和 Blackjack Pizza & Salads。Askar 在一份新闻稿中对此次合作表示欢迎，并称赞该地区“经济蓬勃发展”。

“我们很高兴能将我们的品牌带到中东和北非地区，并将我们成熟的特许经营体系介绍给新一代企业家，”他当时说道，这里他使用了中东和北非的缩写。

由 Franchise Arabia 代理的 Askar 旗下两家披萨连锁店在其网站上均标明为“清真加盟店”。面向潜在加盟商的广告，包括最近一个月发布的视频，同样宣称未来的餐厅将供应“100% 清真肉类”——换句话说，符合穆斯林的宗教饮食规定。

合作关系宣布后不久，阿斯卡尔便开启了中东地区的商业“路演”，其中包括一些以伊斯兰教法为法律体系基础的国家。他去年十月发布的行程照片由Franchise Arabia的首席执行官奥马尔·哈扎分享，哈扎自称是“皇室顾问”，常驻迪拜。

在阿勒哈扎分享的多张照片中，阿斯卡尔面带微笑地与企业高管和王室成员合影，照片配文庆祝其在该地区业务的潜在扩张。其中一张照片中，阿斯卡尔和他的儿子在迪拜与卡塔尔王室成员谢赫·曼苏尔·阿勒萨尼合影。

今年2月，阿尔-哈扎发布了一张他和阿斯卡尔以及另一位卡塔尔知名商人的合影。次月，两人再次被拍到一同出席阿斯卡尔夫妇举办的慈善活动。在最近的一条Instagram帖子中，阿尔-哈扎称阿斯卡尔为“我的好朋友”。

CNN联系Franchise Arabia发言人时，对方以客户保密为由拒绝置评。CNN也无法证实这些品牌在中东地区是否已有门店开业。

阿斯卡尔与中东的商业联系似乎早于此次最新投资。据CNN查阅的一份《外国代理人登记法》文件显示，2023年11月，阿斯卡尔曾与一家代表沙特阿拉伯大使馆的咨询公司会面。同月，阿斯卡尔的商业伙伴兼竞选捐款人也两次与这家与沙特有关联的机构会面。目前尚不清楚这些会面的具体内容。

随着阿斯卡尔接受反伊斯兰教法的言论，他面临着一场竞争日益激烈的竞选。佛罗里达州共和党控制的立法机构今年重新划分了该选区，试图赢得一个共和党席位。

尽管特朗普在2024年以10个百分点的优势赢得了阿斯卡尔所在的选区（该选区此前已重新划分），但民调显示，共和党在全国范围内正面临民主党的强劲支持，即使在一些倾向保守派的选区也是如此。政治观察人士认为，阿斯卡尔的选区是全国竞争最激烈的选区之一，其结果将决定众议院的多数席位归属。

负责共和党候选人竞选经费的政治组织——全国共和党国会委员会，在本月初表示愿意花钱来提高阿斯卡的胜算，并将他纳入了 2026 年 MAGA 多数派计划。

他的对手，民主党人皮娅·丹迪亚（Pia Dandiya），一位前教育工作者，最近加入了民主党国会竞选委员会的“红转蓝”计划。

密歇根大学政治学家纳齐塔·拉杰瓦尔迪表示，阿斯卡尔可能会把攻击伊斯兰教法视为在11月大选中争取其支持者的安全楔子议题。她还表示，反穆斯林言论“似乎是许多人在这次选举中采取的策略”。