Turn Grey capital into White capital. Senator calls for 100% foreign owned firms to eliminate corruption

September 5, 2026 at 1:17 pm

in Economy , Living , Politics , Thai World

Thailand’s widening war on foreign nominee firms has triggered a dramatic counterproposal from Chonburi Senator Prathum Wongsawat. Let foreigners who provide 100% of the capital own 100% of the company. She says current 49:51 rules can fuel nominee structures, conceal ownership, aid tax avoidance and open doors to corruption. Instead, ownership should follow the money, turning “grey capital” into “white capital”. Prathum also wants major investment linked to permanent residence and potentially citizenship. Her intervention comes as crackdowns spread across Phuket, Koh Samui, Koh Phangan, Koh Tao and Pattaya, while the government defends Thai control of sensitive sectors.

Senator Prathum Wongsawat says let foreigners own 100% if they fund 100%, arguing 49:51 rules fuel nominees, corruption and grey capital. She also proposes residency. ( Source: Thai Senate )

A Thai senator has proposed 100% foreign ownership as Thailand widens its crackdown on nominee companies and foreign grey capital. Chonburi Senator Prathum Wongsawat says ownership should reflect the money actually invested. Under her plan, foreigners providing all capital could legally own the entire business. She argues that current restrictions can instead help create the nominee structures now facing investigation.

Prathum raised the proposal during a Senate meeting on September 1. She was discussing nominee businesses and grey foreign capital operating in Thailand. Notably, she questioned whether repeated enforcement campaigns had tackled the problem’s underlying causes. Instead, she pointed directly towards weaknesses and loopholes within existing ownership rules.

Thailand benefits from foreign investment, Prathum told the Senate. However, she questioned arrangements limiting foreign ownership while requiring majority Thai shareholdings. Under the structure she addressed, foreign investors can hold 49%. Thai shareholders must hold the remaining 51%.

Foreign investors can fund entire firms while Thai shareholders retain the legal majority on paper

Yet the registered shareholding can differ sharply from the financial reality behind a company. Prathum said some businesses are financed entirely by foreign investors. Nevertheless, Thai shareholders may still appear as majority owners on company documents. In practice, the foreign investor can provide every baht while legally remaining the minority shareholder.

Prathum questioned why investors would willingly surrender control after financing an entire operation. As a result, she argued, some foreigners seek ways around the ownership restrictions. These arrangements can include Thai nominee shareholders. She also referred to false Thai identities and false addresses used to circumvent legal requirements.

In turn, such structures can obscure the actual source of investment and effective company control. Prathum linked those practices with grey capital and tax avoidance. Separately, she said opaque arrangements create opportunities for officials to demand illicit payments. The resulting system can therefore conceal both ownership and the money behind the business.

Her proposed answer is much more direct. Ownership would follow the proportion of capital genuinely invested. Accordingly, a foreigner providing 70% of the money could own 70% of the company. An investor providing 90% could legally own 90%.

Prathum says full foreign ownership would expose real investors and turn grey capital into white capital

Most significantly, somebody providing all the investment could own 100% of the business. That would remove the need for a paper Thai majority in those circumstances. Instead, company records would identify the real investor from the beginning. Prathum described that process as turning “grey capital” into “white capital”.

The senator also linked greater transparency with taxation and enforcement. If genuine ownership appeared openly, regulators could identify the investor immediately. Likewise, company responsibilities could be attached to the declared owners. Prathum argues this would reduce the incentive to hide investment through artificial shareholding structures.

On another front, she went well beyond company ownership. Prathum proposed defined investment thresholds linked to permanent residence in Thailand. Furthermore, sufficiently large investments could potentially provide a route towards Thai citizenship. Clear rules would govern the required capital and qualifying conditions.

Under that approach, substantial foreign investors would know the requirements before committing their money. Meanwhile, state agencies would have a clear record of their status and investment. Prathum argued that transparent rules could also reduce opportunities for corruption and extortion. Investors operating legally would have less exposure to officials demanding illicit payments.

Her proposals are particularly notable because of her own commercial background. Prathum is a Chonburi businesswoman with experience in Pattaya and Jomtien’s tourism and hotel industries. She entered the current Senate through Thailand’s 2024 selection process. Specifically, she was selected through Group 11 for tourism and related occupations.

Russian investment experience shapes Prathum’s push to make ownership reflect money invested

Before entering the Senate, Prathum had been involved in hotel and tourism businesses around Pattaya and Jomtien. She has also invested overseas. In particular, she has business investment experience in Russia. That experience featured directly in her argument before fellow senators.

Prathum said foreign investors in Russia could own shares matching the money they invested. She said she personally owned 100% of a business there despite being foreign. Consequently, she contrasted that system with Thailand’s requirement for majority Thai ownership in restricted activities. Her central question concerned who actually supplied the investment.

If a foreigner provided all the capital, she argued, ownership should reflect that fact. Conversely, mixed investment should produce a corresponding division of shares. The company register would then show the economic reality. There would be no need to construct an artificial majority merely to satisfy a ceiling.

This was not Prathum’s first intervention on the subject. Earlier, she raised substantially the same ownership argument in May. Her September remarks therefore represent a renewed policy push. They also come during a much broader government campaign against nominee companies.

Government nominee crackdown widens as Prathum argues current laws help create the problem

That crackdown has increasingly focused on Thailand’s major tourism destinations and foreign investment centres. Phuket, Koh Samui, Koh Phangan, Koh Tao and Pattaya have all faced intensified scrutiny. Investigations cover company ownership, landholdings, restricted occupations and illegal foreign employment. Officials are also examining whether Thai shareholders genuinely finance and control businesses.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul highlighted the issue during a visit to Koh Phangan in May. He criticised businesses that appeared 51% Thai-owned while their actual direction remained entirely foreign. Since then, effective control has become a central issue within nominee investigations. Government agencies are increasingly looking beyond the names recorded on corporate documents.

Prathum’s argument approaches that same problem from another direction. She accepts that nominee structures and concealed foreign control exist. However, she argues that ownership restrictions can help produce those arrangements. Foreign investors providing the money may still require Thai majority shareholders.

Consequently, the formal ownership can disguise the underlying investment. Prathum wants that contradiction removed at the point of registration. Under her approach, the investor supplying the capital would hold the corresponding legal ownership. The state would then know who financed and controlled the business.

Koh Samui, Koh Phangan and Koh Tao investigations reveal the scale of Thailand’s nominee crackdown

The current enforcement figures show the scale of government scrutiny. On Koh Samui, officials reviewed 12,906 companies during the broader enforcement campaign. Among them, 8,254 had foreign shareholders. Another 875 were flagged for closer examination.

That work produced 60 cases involving 59 companies and 88 suspects. In addition, 37 land plots came under review. Their combined value was estimated at about ฿1.2 billion. The investigations form part of a broader focus on foreign-linked property and business structures.

Koh Phangan has faced similar attention. Revenue officials examined 110 entities during one part of the campaign. Separately, a land review flagged 112 entities above the relevant threshold. The island has become a particular focus because of extensive foreign investment and business activity.

Koh Tao has also faced enforcement operations. In August, six foreign diving instructors were arrested during one operation. One was British and five were Spanish. Three Myanmar workers were also arrested. Earlier in 2026, the island had already recorded 47 foreign arrests.

Phuket has produced another large investigation. More than 100 companies were scrutinised during an August enforcement operation. Those businesses had combined revenue exceeding ฿5 billion. Eventually, 16 people were prosecuted.

Phuket and Pattaya cases widen scrutiny as Prathum presses for ownership rules based on real capital

Ten of those prosecuted were Thai. The remaining six were foreign nationals. They included two Canadians, three Russians and one Kazakhstani. Thus, investigators are examining both foreign investors and the Thai participants behind suspected structures.

Pattaya has also become part of the widening campaign. In August, investigators examined a suspected Israeli-linked nominee business network. Assets involved were worth several hundred million baht. The case brought the foreign ownership issue directly into Prathum’s home province.

The senator’s proposal therefore comes during an unusually intense enforcement period. However, she is not simply calling for stronger inspections. She wants the ownership framework itself reconsidered. Her approach would legalise genuine foreign ownership where foreigners provide the corresponding investment.

At the same time, her position differs sharply from recent government policy in sensitive industries. Digital Economy and Society Minister Chaichanok Chidchob recently addressed SpaceX’s proposed Starlink operations. The government would not permit a wholly foreign-owned Thai telecommunications operation.

Instead, Chaichanok backed a 51% Thai and 49% foreign ownership structure. Competition concerns formed part of the government’s position. Data issues were also cited. Additionally, national security considerations were raised.

Starlink stance highlights government support for Thai control while Prathum proposes a broader model

That case shows Thai majority ownership remains important within strategically sensitive sectors. By contrast, Prathum is proposing a far broader principle for foreign investment. She says ownership should correspond with actual capital. Her intervention therefore cuts across a central feature of Thailand’s existing investment regime.

Still, full foreign ownership is not completely absent from Thailand. Existing arrangements already permit 100% foreign ownership in certain circumstances and sectors. Specified aviation maintenance and manufacturing businesses have previously been opened under conditions. Other licensing and investment arrangements can also allow full foreign ownership.

Prathum’s proposal, however, reaches further than those existing exceptions. She wants investment itself to determine the shareholding. A foreigner providing 60% would hold 60%. Another providing every baht could hold everything.

In parallel, Thai capital would continue to be reflected in the registered ownership. If Thai investors supplied half the money, they could hold half the shares. The arrangement would therefore record the true capital structure. Prathum argues this would remove incentives for artificial ownership agreements.

That proposal strikes directly at a recurring feature of nominee investigations. A company can appear majority Thai-owned while foreigners provide most or all financing. Moreover, effective control may remain with the foreign investor. Such cases require investigators to look beyond formal corporate records.

Prathum wants company records to show real foreign control while residence and citizenship stay proposals

Prathum wants the records themselves to show that position from the outset. As part of this, the foreign investor would be visible to regulators. The source of capital would also be easier to identify. In her argument, transparency would replace concealed ownership rather than merely punish it later.

The proposed residency system follows the same logic. Instead of leaving major investors without a defined long-term route, Thailand would publish clear requirements. Those reaching a prescribed threshold could qualify for residence. At another level, they could potentially qualify for citizenship.

However, Prathum has not specified an approved investment figure. No permanent residence threshold arising from her proposal is currently in force. Likewise, Thailand has adopted no new citizenship threshold from her Senate intervention. Existing immigration and nationality rules remain unchanged.

Nor has Thailand approved her proposed ownership system. The 49:51 restrictions remain applicable where existing law requires them. The nationwide nominee crackdown is also continuing. Prathum’s comments remain a policy proposal made on the Senate floor.

Importantly, she has not introduced a bill abolishing the Foreign Business Act. No such legislation is presently attached to her remarks. Her intervention instead introduces an alternative approach into the wider policy debate. It questions whether enforcement alone can remove nominee structures while ownership restrictions remain intact.

Prathum’s Pattaya business background gives her ownership proposal a direct commercial perspective

Her background gives the proposal an unusual commercial dimension. Chonburi contains one of Thailand’s largest international tourism economies. Pattaya alone hosts extensive foreign investment, businesses and property interests. The wider eastern seaboard also contains major industrial and investment centres.

Prathum developed her business career within that environment. In August 2024, she also joined an inspection of Pattaya’s Walking Street. Politicians, officials and police participated. The inspection focused on issues involving tourists and local businesses.

Within the Senate, Prathum now sits on the Foreign Affairs Committee. She has participated in official meetings involving foreign diplomatic representatives. Yet her latest intervention focuses squarely on Thailand’s domestic treatment of overseas investors.

The policy clash is increasingly clear. The government is searching for hidden foreign control behind Thai majority shareholdings. Prathum instead wants certain foreign ownership brought openly onto company records. Both positions address the same nominee problem from markedly different starting points.

For enforcement agencies, the present task is identifying whether Thai shareholders are genuine investors. They must also establish whether foreigners actually finance or control businesses. Prathum’s system would remove that question where full foreign investment was permitted. The declared ownership would already match the actual capital.

Proposed system would put foreign investors on company records while existing enforcement continues

That would represent a substantial departure from the current structure in restricted activities. It would also place foreign investors directly within Thailand’s corporate records. In addition, taxation and regulatory obligations could follow the declared ownership. The investor’s identity would no longer depend upon tracing hidden control.

Prathum also says this could reduce opportunities for illicit payments. Investors using concealed structures can become exposed to officials seeking improper benefits, she argued. By comparison, published rules would define the investor’s legal position. The company’s ownership would no longer depend upon nominee arrangements.

For now, however, Thailand remains committed to its existing enforcement drive. Investigations continue across tourist islands, resort cities and other foreign investment centres. Officials are pursuing suspected nominee shareholding, landholding and illegal work. Thai majority requirements also remain intact across restricted sectors.

Prathum offers Senate a direct alternative as nominee crackdown continues under existing ownership rules

Against that backdrop, Prathum has placed a stark alternative before the Senate. She wants ownership to follow capital rather than a predetermined nationality ratio. If foreigners supply part of the investment, they would own that proportion. If they supply everything, they could own everything.

Her wider proposal would also link substantial investment with residence and potentially citizenship. Again, no such measures have been adopted. No bill implementing them is before the country under her proposal. Still, the senator has now put both ideas firmly into the debate.

The principle behind her argument remains simple. Company records should identify who actually supplied the money. Ownership should then correspond with that investment. Prathum says this would expose foreign capital rather than hide it behind Thai nominees.

In her formulation, the objective is to replace concealed structures from the beginning. Foreign investment would enter openly under clear ownership rules. The investor would be identifiable, while the shareholding would match the money invested. She describes that change as turning “grey capital” into “white capital”.

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Joseph Anthony is an expat from Ireland who has lived in Thailand for the last decade. He has worked extensively in the media including editorial positions in Ireland and Thailand. He is focused on economic and business stories in Thailand as well as the expat lifestyle.

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2026年9月5日下午1点17分

经济、生活、政治、泰国世界

泰国对外国代理公司的打击力度不断加大，引发了春武里府参议员普拉图姆·翁萨瓦特（Prathum Wongsawat）的强烈反对。她提出，允许提供100%资本的外国人拥有公司100%的股份。她认为，现行的49:51规则助长了代理公司结构，掩盖了所有权，助长了避税行为，并为腐败打开了方便之门。她主张，所有权应该跟随资金流向，将“灰色资本”转化为“白色资本”。普拉图姆还希望将重大投资与永久居留权乃至公民身份挂钩。与此同时，打击行动已蔓延至普吉岛、苏梅岛、帕岸岛、涛岛和芭堤雅等地，而泰国政府则力挺泰国对敏感行业的控制权。

参议员普拉图姆·翁萨瓦特表示，如果外国人出资100%，就应该允许他们拥有100%的股份。她认为，现行的49:51规则助长了提名人选、腐败和灰色资本的滋生。她还提议实行居留权制度。（来源：泰国参议院）

泰国一位参议员提议允许外资100%控股，以加大对空壳公司和外国灰色资本的打击力度。春武里府参议员帕拉图姆·翁萨瓦特表示，所有权应反映实际投资额。根据她的方案，提供全部资金的外国人可以合法拥有整个企业。她认为，目前的限制反而会助长那些正面临调查的空壳公司结构的出现。

普拉图姆在9月1日的参议院会议上提出了这项提案。当时她正在讨论在泰国运营的代理企业和灰色外国资本问题。值得注意的是，她质疑反复的执法行动是否解决了问题的根本原因。相反，她直接指出了现有所有权规则中的缺陷和漏洞。

普拉图姆在参议院表示，泰国受益于外国投资。然而，她对限制外国持股比例却要求泰国股东持有多数股份的安排提出质疑。在她所讨论的架构下，外国投资者可以持有49%的股份，而泰国股东必须持有剩余的51%。

外国投资者可以为整个公司注资，而泰国股东在账面上仍保留法律上的多数股权。

然而，公司登记的股权结构可能与公司的实际财务状况大相径庭。普拉图姆指出，有些企业完全由外国投资者出资。尽管如此，泰国股东在公司文件中仍可能显示为控股股东。实际上，外国投资者可以提供全部资金，而法律上却仍是少数股东。

普拉图姆质疑，投资者为何会在投资整个项目后甘愿放弃控制权。她认为，因此，一些外国人会想方设法规避所有权限制。这些安排可能包括设立泰国代理股东。她还提到，有人使用虚假的泰国身份和地址来规避法律要求。

反过来，这种结构会掩盖投资的实际来源和公司的实际控制权。普拉瑟姆将这些做法与灰色资本和避税联系起来。她还指出，不透明的安排会给官员提供索要非法款项的机会。因此，由此产生的体系既可以隐藏所有权，也可以隐藏企业背后的资金。

她提出的答案则更为直接。所有权将与实际投入的资本比例挂钩。因此，如果一位外国人提供了70%的资金，他/她就可以拥有公司70%的股份。如果一位投资者提供了90%的资金，他/她就可以合法地拥有公司90%的股份。

Prathum表示，外资完全控股将暴露真正的投资者，并将灰色资本转化为白色资本。

最重要的是，提供全部投资的人可以拥有公司100%的股份。在这种情况下，就不需要名义上的泰国多数股权了。相反，公司记录从一开始就会明确标明真正的投资者。普拉图姆将这一过程描述为将“灰色资本”转化为“白色资本”。

这位参议员还将提高透明度与税收和执法联系起来。如果真实的股权结构公开透明，监管机构就能立即识别投资者。同样，公司责任也可以追究到已申报的所有者身上。普拉图姆认为，这将减少通过人为的股权结构来隐藏投资的动机。

另一方面，她的举措远不止于公司所有权。普拉图姆提议设立与泰国永久居留权挂钩的明确投资门槛。此外，足够大额的投资甚至可能成为获得泰国公民身份的途径。相关规定将明确所需资本和资格条件。

在这种模式下，外国大宗投资者在投入资金前就能了解相关要求。同时，政府机构也能清晰地掌握投资者的身份和投资记录。普拉图姆认为，透明的规则还能减少腐败和敲诈勒索的机会。合法经营的投资者遭遇官员索要非法款项的风险也会降低。

鉴于她自身的商业背景，她的提案尤为引人注目。普拉图姆是一位春武里府的女商人，在芭堤雅和乔木提恩的旅游和酒店行业拥有丰富的经验。她通过泰国2024年的选举程序进入现任参议院。具体而言，她是通过第11组（旅游及相关行业）选拔出来的。

俄罗斯的投资经验影响着普拉图姆集团，促使其努力使所有权与投资金额相符。

在进入参议院之前，普拉图姆曾在芭堤雅和乔木提恩一带从事酒店和旅游业。她也进行过海外投资，尤其是在俄罗斯拥有丰富的商业投资经验。这些经验在她向其他参议员陈述论点时发挥了重要作用。

普拉图姆表示，在俄罗斯，外国投资者可以持有与其投资额相等的股份。她说，尽管她是外国人，但她本人在俄罗斯拥有一家企业100%的股份。因此，她将这种制度与泰国在特定行业中要求泰国人拥有多数股权的规定进行了对比。她提出的核心问题是：究竟是谁提供了投资？

她认为，如果所有资金都来自外国人，那么所有权结构就应该反映这一事实。反之，混合投资也应该产生相应的股份分配。公司注册簿才能真正反映经济现实，而无需为了满足上限要求而人为地构建多数股权。

这并非普拉图姆首次就此议题发表意见。早在五月份，她就提出了实质上相同的产权主张。因此，她九月份的表态代表着她再次推动相关政策。与此同时，政府也正开展一场范围更广的打击代理公司的运动。

普拉图姆认为现行法律助长了这一问题，政府提名人选的打击力度因此加大。

这场打击行动日益聚焦于泰国的主要旅游目的地和外商投资中心。普吉岛、苏梅岛、帕岸岛、涛岛和芭堤雅都面临着更严格的审查。调查内容涵盖公司所有权、土地持有情况、受限职业以及非法外籍劳工等。官员们还在调查泰国股东是否真正为企业提供资金并控制其运营。

今年五月，泰国总理阿努廷·查恩维拉库尔访问帕岸岛时重点强调了这个问题。他批评了一些表面上51%股份由泰国人持有，但实际上却完全由外国人掌控的企业。自此，有效控制权成为代理公司调查的核心问题。政府机构也越来越关注公司文件上登记的名称以外的其他信息。

Prathum的论点从另一个角度探讨了同样的问题。她承认代理人结构和隐蔽的外国控制确实存在。然而，她认为所有权限制可能会助长这些安排。提供资金的外国投资者可能仍然要求泰国股东持有多数股权。

因此，形式上的所有权可能会掩盖实际的投资情况。普拉图姆希望在注册时就消除这种矛盾。根据她的方案，提供资金的投资者将拥有相应的法律所有权。这样一来，国家就能清楚地知道谁为企业提供了资金并控制了企业。

苏梅岛、帕岸岛和涛岛的调查揭示了泰国打击非法移民的规模

目前的执法数据体现了政府的审查力度。在苏梅岛，官员们在这次大规模执法行动中审查了12906家公司。其中，8254家公司有外国股东。另有875家公司被列为重点审查对象。

这项工作共查处了60起案件，涉及59家公司和88名嫌疑人。此外，还审查了37块土地，总价值估计约为12亿泰铢。这些调查是针对涉外房地产和商业结构进行更广泛调查的一部分。

帕岸岛也面临着类似的关注。税务官员在一次专项行动中审查了110家实体。此外，一项土地审查也发现有112家实体超过了相关阈值。由于大量外国投资和商业活动，该岛成为重点关注对象。

涛岛也曾遭遇执法行动。8月，一次行动中，六名外国潜水教练被捕，其中一人为英国人，五人为西班牙人。另有三名缅甸工人被捕。2026年初，该岛已记录了47起外国人被捕事件。

普吉岛再次展开大规模调查。在8月份的执法行动中，超过100家公司受到审查。这些​​公司的总收入超过50亿泰铢。最终，16人被起诉。

随着普拉图姆敦促制定基于实际资本的所有权规则，普吉岛和芭堤雅的案例受到更严格的审查。

被起诉的六人中，十人是泰国公民，其余六人是外国公民，其中包括两名加拿大人、三名俄罗斯人和一名哈萨克斯坦人。因此，调查人员正在对涉嫌参与犯罪活动的外国投资者和泰国参与者进行调查。

芭堤雅也加入了这场扩大范围的行动。8月，调查人员对一个涉嫌与以色列有关联的代理人商业网络进行了调查。涉案资产价值数亿泰铢。此案将外国所有权问题直接带到了帕拉图姆的家乡府。

因此，这位参议员的提案正值执法力度异常强劲的时期。然而，她并非仅仅呼吁加强检查，而是希望重新审视所有权框架本身。她的方案将使外国人提供相应投资的真正外资所有权合法化。

与此同时，她的立场与政府近期在敏感行业的政策截然不同。数字经济与社会部长猜查诺·奇乔布（Chaichanok Chidchob）近期就SpaceX公司提出的星链（Starlink）项目发表了讲话。政府不会允许一家完全由外资拥有的泰国电信公司运营。

相反，柴查诺克支持51%泰资和49%外资持股的股权结构。政府的立场部分基于对竞争的担忧。数据问题也被提及。此外，国家安全方面的考量也被提出。

星链的立场凸显了泰国政府对泰国控制权的支持，而普拉图姆则提出了一个更广泛的模式。

该案例表明，在具有战略意义的敏感行业中，泰国控股权仍然至关重要。相比之下，普拉图姆提出了一项更为广泛的外商投资原则。她认为，所有权应与实际资本相符。因此，她的提议与泰国现行投资制度的核心特征相悖。

尽管如此，泰国并非完全不存在外资独资企业。现有规定在特定情况下和特定行业已允许100%外资控股。此前，一些特定的航空维修和制造企业已在特定条件下获准开业。其他许可和投资安排也可能允许外资独资。

然而，普拉图姆的提议比现有的例外情况更为激进。她希望投资本身来决定股权比例。例如，一位外国投资者如果出资60%，则持有60%的股份；另一位投资者如果出资全部泰铢，则可以持有全部股份。

与此同时，泰国资本仍将体现在登记所有权中。如果泰国投资者出资一半，他们就可以持有半数股份。因此，这种安排能够反映真实的资本结构。普拉图姆认为，这将消除人为操纵所有权协议的动机。

该提议直接针对代理公司调查中一个反复出现的问题。一家公司表面上可能由泰国人控股，但实际上大部分甚至全部资金都来自外国人。此外，实际控制权可能仍然掌握在外国投资者手中。这类案件要求调查人员超越公司正式记录的范畴进行调查。

Prathum希望公司记录能够显示真正的外国控制权，同时保留居留权和公民身份提案。

普拉瑟姆希望记录本身能够从外部展现这一立场。这样一来，监管机构就能清楚地看到外国投资者的存在，资金来源也更容易确定。在她看来，透明度能够取代隐瞒所有权的行为，而不仅仅是事后对其进行惩罚。

拟议的居留制度遵循同样的逻辑。泰国不会让大型投资者没有明确的长期发展途径，而是会公布明确的要求。达到规定门槛的人可以获得居留权。达到更高标准后，他们还有机会获得公民身份。

然而，普拉图姆并未明确规定获批的投资额度。她提出的永久居留权门槛目前尚未生效。同样，泰国也未采纳她参议院干预措施所设定的任何新的公民身份门槛。现行的移民和国籍规定保持不变。

泰国也未批准她提出的所有权制度。49:51的限制在现行法律要求的地区仍然适用。全国范围内的提名制打击行动也在继续。普拉图姆的言论仍然只是参议院提出的一项政策建议。

重要的是，她并未提出废除《外国商业法》的法案。目前，她的发言中并未附带任何此类立法。相反，她的发言为更广泛的政策辩论引入了一种替代方案。她质疑，在所有权限制仍然有效的情况下，仅靠执法能否消除代持结构。

Prathum在芭堤雅的商业背景赋予了她的所有权提案直接的商业视角。

她的背景赋予了这项提议一种独特的商业意义。春武里府拥有泰国最大的国际旅游经济体之一。仅芭堤雅一地就吸引了大量的外国投资、企业和房地产项目。更广阔的东部沿海地区也拥有重要的工业和投资中心。

普拉图姆正是在这样的环境中发展了自己的事业。2024年8月，她还参与了对芭堤雅步行街的视察。政界人士、官员和警察都参加了此次视察。视察的重点是与游客和当地商家相关的问题。

在参议院，普拉图姆目前是外交事务委员会的成员。她曾多次参加有外国外交代表出席的正式会议。然而，她最近的发言却完全聚焦于泰国国内对待海外投资者的方式。

政策冲突日益明显。政府正在调查泰国控股公司背后是否存在隐蔽的外国控制。而普拉图姆则希望将某些外国所有权公开记录在公司账簿上。双方立场都从截然不同的出发点出发，试图解决同一个代理人问题。

对于执法机构而言，目前的任务是识别泰国股东是否为真正的投资者。他们还必须确定外国人是否实际出资或控制企业。Prathum 的制度将消除这一疑问，因为在允许外商全额投资的情况下，申报的所有权将与实际资本相符。

拟议系统将把外国投资者列入公司记录，同时现有的执法措施将继续有效。

这将标志着对现有受限活动结构的重大变革。此举还将使外国投资者直接纳入泰国的公司记录。此外，税收和监管义务将根据已申报的所有权进行分配。投资者的身份将不再取决于追踪隐藏的控​​制权。

普拉瑟姆还表示，这可以减少非法支付的机会。她认为，使用隐蔽结构的投资者可能会受到官员的不正当剥削。相比之下，公开规则将明确投资者的法律地位。公司的所有权将不再取决于代理人安排。

然而，目前泰国仍致力于推进现有的执法行动。调查工作仍在旅游岛屿、度假城市和其他外商投资中心持续进行。官员们正在追查涉嫌的代持股份、土地持有和非法用工行为。泰国在受限行业中的控股权要求也依然有效。

在现有所有权规则下，对提名人的打压仍在继续，而普拉图姆则为参议院提供了一个直接的替代方案。

在此背景下，普拉图姆向参议院提出了一个截然不同的替代方案。她希望所有权跟随资本流动，而不是按照预先设定的国籍比例分配。如果外国人提供部分投资，他们将拥有相应比例的所有权；如果他们提供全部投资，他们就可以拥有全部所有权。

她提出的更广泛的方案还将大量投资与居留权乃至公民身份挂钩。然而，目前尚未有任何此类措施被采纳。根据她的提议，目前也没有任何相关法案提交国家审议。尽管如此，这位参议员已将这两个想法都正式纳入了讨论范围。

她的论点背后的原则很简单：公司记录应该明确资金的实际来源，所有权也应该与投资额相符。普拉图姆表示，这样做可以揭露外国资本，而不是将其隐藏在泰国代理人背后。

在她看来，目标是从一开始就摒弃隐蔽的结构。外国投资将在明确的所有权规则下公开进入。投资者身份将公开透明，持股比例也将与投资金额相匹配。她将这种转变描述为将“灰色资本”转化为“白色资本”。

泰国对小型外国投资者的严格限制对其雄心勃勃的经合组织入盟目标构成重大障碍。

新的反向所得税制度将彻底改变泰国经济。泰国所有居民都需申报收入。

普拉查特党领导人警告称，由于税收收入下降和债务增加，公共财政面临严重危机。

泰国推进负所得税政策，扩大申报范围，税收和福利制度迎来革命性变革。

经济专家们对2027年负所得税计划表示赞赏。这将是推动经济进步的变革性举措。

为泰政府正力推逆向税收计划，这将带来巨大的经济变革，因为该政府正在与……作斗争。

专家警告：外国游客已成为泰国的祸根，加剧了经济停滞和普遍的萎靡不振。

一切如常，毫无意外。泰国外国旅游业人士警告称，今年将是糟糕的一年，入境游客人数下降了6.56%。

旅游局局长驳斥有关台湾游客的歪曲报道，称诈骗中心正在实施新的、更安全的秩序。

旅游局长计划在2025年下半年吸引更多欧洲游客，同时内阁下令缩短签证期限。

特朗普的关税政策使泰国经济陷入混乱。到2025年，出口和旅游业可能都会大幅下滑。

由于中美紧张局势升级，皮查伊的团队本周不会飞往美国，而是下周前往。

约瑟夫·安东尼是一位来自爱尔兰的侨民，过去十年一直居住在泰国。他曾在爱尔兰和泰国的媒体行业担任过编辑职务，拥有丰富的媒体从业经验。他主要关注泰国的经济和商业新闻，以及侨民的生活方式。

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旅游部门负责人密切关注中国媒体，此前甘烹碧府警方解救了一名年轻女子。4人于2026年8月27日被捕。

央行维持利率在1%不变，实体经济承压，投资重点转向科技领域 2026年8月26日

2026年8月26日，移民局突击检查了涛岛，逮捕了多名持DTV签证在岛上工作的英国和西班牙潜水教练。

美国海军航母战斗群在参与“史诗狂怒”演习并封锁伊朗后，将于2026年8月26日进驻芭堤雅。

游客出发前将接受泰国法律简报。部长称，一名以色列男子的签证已于2026年8月25日被吊销。

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