Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, October 2, 2026俄罗斯攻势评估,2026年10月2日
Russia’s advanced its cognitive warfare efforts to persuade the world that European leaders who respond to its threats are the aggressors.

Russian President Vladimir Putin advanced Russia’s ongoing cognitive warfare efforts to persuade the world that European leaders who respond to Russian threats and continued limited kinetic attacks in Europe are the actual aggressors. Putin used a substantial part of his speech at the Valdai International Discussion Forum on October 1 to claim that Russia “is not threatening anyone” and has no “plans to attack anyone in 2029, 2030, or 2050.”[1] Putin also falsely claimed that the Russian military has never launched a first strike on targets not directly related to military infrastructure. Putin later emphasized, however, that the use of nuclear weapons will “inevitably and immediately” appear on the Russian agenda if Europe attacks Kaliningrad Oblast or other parts of Russia. Kremlin officials, including Putin himself, have repeatedly threatened to attack European countries over the past few years, including many other examples, such as:
Putin said on December 17, 2023, that “there will be problems” with Finland and that Finland’s NATO accession prompted the formation of the Leningrad Military District (LMD) and concentration of military units in northwestern Russia.[2]
Russian Security Council Deputy Chairperson Dmitry Medvedev threatened a “world catastrophe” as a result of Western involvement in Ukraine and warned of Russian strikes against Washington, Paris, and London on May 6, 2024.[3]
Putin issued a thinly veiled nuclear threat on December 2, 2025, stating that a situation would “quickly arise” should Europe start a war with Russia, in which Russia will “have no one to negotiate with.”[4]
Russian State Duma Defense Committee Member Andrei Kolesnik called for a nuclear strike on some European capitals in the event of escalation in Kaliningrad Oblast on June 23, 2026.[5]
Putin’s October 1 speech is part of the Kremlin’s ongoing effort to support baseless pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian arguments amongst some European leaders that discussions of actual Russian threats are manufactured and that Russia is, in fact, a victim of Western aggression.[6] Russian officials, including Putin, have, in fact, been threatening European countries, including with nuclear attacks. The Kremlin has also increasingly conducted limited kinetic attacks against Europe, including deliberate drone incursions into Moldovan and NATO airspace and various sabotage and espionage attempts.[7]
Putin claimed Russian frontline gains in September 2026 so far from reality as to resemble hallucinations. Putin claimed that Russian forces seized 1,301 square kilometers of territory in Ukraine in September 2026 alone — 2.5 times more than the claimed Russian gains in previous months.[8] ISW has observed evidence to assess that Russian forces suffered a net loss of 80.81 square kilometers in September 2026.[9] Russian forces suffered a net loss of 175.18 square kilometers in September 2026 even when accounting for Russian infiltrations into areas over which Russian forces have not gained control. Putin’s absurd claims continue to present a fictional battlefield reality that supports the Kremlin’s cognitive warfare effort to falsely portray Russian advances as sweeping across the battlefield.[10] ISW cannot assess whether Putin knows that the figures he is presenting are false or if he is accepting fictional frontline data presented to him as the result of the culture of lying that is deeply ingrained in the Russian military command structure.
Russian forces are likely teaching elements of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) how to integrate some of the most advanced drone and counter-drone systems into land warfare during the Center-2026 exercises. The PRC reportedly sent a “military contingent” to the Russian-hosted Center-2026 Strategic Command and Staff exercise at the Chelyabinsk training ground, Chelyabinsk Oblast, scheduled between September 28 and October 3.[11] Russian Defense Minister Andrey Belousov stated on October 2 that the exercises involved approximately 700 pieces of equipment, over 600 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), and over 60 unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), providing the PLA’s military contingent with an opportunity to train using some of the most advanced unmanned technologies in a simulated military environment.[12] Russian and Chinese forces practiced joint deployment and maneuvers during the exercises.[13] Chinese forces previously observed the Zapad 2025 exercises but did not actively participate.[14] The PRC is likely gaining valuable experience during the Center 2026 exercises from launching and defending against first-person view (FPV) drone strikes, using ground robotics systems, observing electronic warfare techniques, and conducting Russian-style small group assault tactics utilized in the war in Ukraine.
Russian forces conducted repeated drone strikes against the Southern Bridge in Kyiv City on October 1 and 2 in order to degrade the bridge’s structural stability and to make life difficult in the Ukrainian capital — as ISW recently forecasted. It remains unclear if Russian forces will be able to continue to sustain the required strike intensity and tempo to render the bridge unrepairable, however. Kyiv City Mayor Vitaliy Klitschko reported four waves of Russian drone strikes against the Southern Bridge over the Dnipro River in Kyiv City between the afternoon of October 1 and the evening of October 2.[15] The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) acknowledged that Russian forces struck a road-rail bridge across the river in Kyiv City on the night of October 1 to 2.[16] ISW noted on October 1, following the first waves of drone strikes, that Russian efforts to significantly damage large, reinforced structures like the Southern Bridge would require repeated, precise strikes over a short period of time — as Russian forces currently are attempting to do.[17] Repeated strikes against the bridge may also aim to significantly disrupt traffic and civilian life, even if they do not in the end cause significant damage to the actual structure of the bridge.
Ukrainian officials are confirming long-held assessments about Russia’s intent to target Ukraine’s civilian and critical infrastructure, especially in major cities, during its Winter 2026-2027 strike campaign. Ukrainian intelligence indicates that Russian forces are preparing to intensify strikes on Ukraine’s largest cities, including Kyiv, Kharkiv, Lviv, and Odesa, in order to isolate them from the rest of the country as winter begins, according to an October 2 Financial Times (FT) article citing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Ukrainian and European security officials.[18] Zelensky specifically highlighted Russia’s recent strikes against the Southern Bridge as part of wider efforts to sow fear among the Ukrainian population and force them out of big cities. Russian forces also plan to collapse Ukraine’s energy system during the Winter 2026-2027, including by conducting missile strikes near Ukraine’s three operating nuclear power plants to forcefully disconnect them from the grid, according to New York Times reporting about an unconfirmed intercepted Russian plan.[19] The Russian plan also reportedly intends to widely strike Ukraine’s water infrastructure to ultimately cut off major cities from power, heat, and water supplies. The Russian strikes intended to inflict severe pain on Ukrainian populations in major cities are likely also designed to drive a wedge between frontline soldiers and the Ukrainian populace. The Kremlin may also hope to generate a political crisis for Zelensky over the coming winter. These Russian efforts may distract attention both in Ukraine and in Europe from the need to remain focused on sustaining Ukraine’s current battlefield capabilities and could thus help Russia mitigate the problems that Russian military forces are currently encountering in their efforts to achieve Putin’s aims by force of arms. It remains vital for Ukraine and its supporters to work urgently to defend against the Russian attack on Ukraine’s civilian populations while simultaneously maintaining Ukraine’s current battlefield momentum and to avoid accepting tradeoffs between those two requirements.
Zelensky assessed on October 2 that Putin is focusing on massive strikes against Ukraine because Russian battlefield gains in eastern Ukraine have slowed — in line with ISW’s recent assessment that Putin’s new theory of victory aims to rely on Russia’s Winter 2026-2027 long-range strike campaign to force Ukraine to surrender.[20] ISW recently assessed that Ukraine’s 2026 battlefield successes may be forcing Putin to reevaluate his original theory of victory that relied on constant but slow battlefield advances. Putin is instead using Russia’s long-range strikes that heavily leverage jet-powered drones and ballistic missiles that Ukrainian forces have struggled to intercept at high rates in hopes of coercing Ukrainians to demand surrender.[21]
The Russian jet-powered Geran drone advantage is likely to last until Ukrainian forces scale up their interceptor drone production. Zelensky told the FT that Ukrainian forces destroy about 57 percent of Russia’s jet-powered drones and 85 to 90 percent of the conventional drones.[22] Zelensky added that Ukraine is currently testing five interceptor drones and will be able to produce about 400 units of one of the models by the end of October 2026, while the four other models continue testing. Russia has been exploiting Ukrainian challenges with intercepting Russian jet-powered drones by launching a growing number of jet-powered drones in recent weeks and relying less on ballistic missiles.[23] Russian forces are likely aware of Ukraine’s progress toward fielding and scaling its jet-powered drone interceptors and are likely increasingly launching jet-powered drones now while Russia still maintains a technological advantage. Ukraine’s increased jet-powered drone interception rate in the future will render Russia’s technological advantage less effective, at which point Russian forces may shift to launching more ballistic missiles in order to exploit Ukraine’s low Patriot interceptor missile stockpiles. Russian forces are likely stockpiling their ballistic and quasi-ballistic missiles in the meantime for more intense future long-range strike packages after Russia’s jet-powered drones have lost their current advantage. Scaling production of interceptors for jet-powered drones must be an urgent priority for all of Ukraine’s supporters alongside continuing efforts to source Patriot interceptors and to field new systems for intercepting ballistic missiles.
Russian President Vladimir Putin advanced Russia’s ongoing cognitive warfare efforts to persuade the world that European leaders who respond to Russian threats and continued limited kinetic attacks in Europe are the actual aggressors.
Putin claimed Russian frontline gains in September 2026 so far from reality as to resemble hallucinations.
Russian forces are likely teaching elements of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) how to integrate some of the most advanced drone and counter-drone systems into land warfare during the Center-2026 exercises.
Russian forces conducted repeated drone strikes against the Southern Bridge in Kyiv City on October 1 and 2 in order to degrade the bridge’s structural stability and to make life difficult in the Ukrainian capital — as ISW recently forecasted. It remains unclear if Russian forces will be able to continue to sustain the required strike intensity and tempo to render the bridge unrepairable, however.
Ukrainian officials are confirming long-held assessments about Russia’s intent to target Ukraine’s civilian and critical infrastructure, especially in major cities, during its Winter 2026-2027 strike campaign.
Zelensky assessed on October 2 that Putin is focusing on massive strikes against Ukraine because Russian battlefield gains in eastern Ukraine have slowed — in line with ISW’s recent assessment that Putin’s new theory of victory aims to rely on Russia’s Winter 2026-2027 long-range strike campaign to force Ukraine to surrender.
The Russian jet-powered Geran drone advantage is likely to last until Ukrainian forces scale up their interceptor drone production.
Ukrainian forces continued their long-range strike campaign against military assets and oil infrastructure in Russia. Russia launched 108 drones against Ukraine overnight.
Neither Russian nor Ukrainian forces advanced on October 2.
We do not report in detail on Russian war crimes because these activities are well-covered in Western media and do not directly affect the military operations we are assessing and forecasting. We will continue to evaluate and report on the effects of these criminal activities on the Ukrainian military and the Ukrainian population and specifically on combat in Ukrainian urban areas. We utterly condemn Russian violations of the laws of armed conflict and the Geneva Conventions and crimes against humanity even though we do not describe them in these reports.
Ukrainian Operations in the Russian Federation
Ukrainian forces continued their long-range strike campaign against military assets and oil infrastructure in Russia. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces struck the Lukoil-Volgogradneftepererabotka Oil Refinery in Volgograd City, Volgograd Oblast (roughly 472 kilometers from the frontline) and the Samara Linear Production and Dispatch Station near Prosvet, Samara Oblast (roughly 937 kilometers from the international border) on the night of October 1 to 2.[24] Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) reported on October 2 that Ukrainian forces also struck the Samara-1 and Samara-2 oil pumping stations near Prosvet.[25] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that the Lukoil-Volgogradneftepererabotka Oil Refinery processes roughly 15 million tons of oil per year, and that the Samara Linear Production and Dispatch Station is a reception, storage, and blending facility that mixes Urals oil, which accounts for up to 50 percent of Russia’s total oil exports. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stated on October 2 that Ukrainian forces struck airfields, industrial facilities, a missile and space center, oil refineries, and an ammunition depot in Voronezh, Nizhny Novgorod, Volgograd, and Samara oblasts; Krasnodar Krai; and the Black Sea.[26]
Russian Supporting Effort: Northern Axis
Russian forces recently conducted an infiltration mission in northern Sumy Oblast. Ukrainian forces struck a Russian position north of Pokrovka (east of Sumy City), according to geolocated footage published on October 2, after what ISW assesses was a Russian infiltration mission.[27] The Russian MoD claimed on October 2 that Russian forces seized Mala Rybytsya (east of Sumy City).[28] The Russian Northern Grouping of Forces credited elements of the Russian 15th Tank Regiment (69th Motorized Rifle Division, 6th Combined Arms Army [CAA], Leningrad Military District [LMD]) and elements of the Chechen 204th Akhmat Spetsnaz Regiment with seizing Mala Rybytsya.[29]
Russian Supporting Effort: Kharkiv Oblast
Russian forces continued offensive operations in northern Kharkiv Oblast on October 1 and 2 but did not make confirmed advances.[30] A Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that Russian forces advanced into central Kozacha Lopan (north of Kharkiv City).[31]
The Russian MoD continues claiming alleged seizures of settlements as part of the baseless claims of the encirclement of Ukrainian forces northeast of Kharkiv City, while a Russian milblogger challenged the existence of the encirclement. The Russian MoD claimed on October 2 that the Russian Northern Grouping of Forces (GoF) seized Hrachivka and Serdobyne (both northeast of Velykyi Burluk).[32] The Russian Northern GoF credited elements of the Russian 127th Motorized Rifle Regiment (71st Guards Motorized Rifle Division, 14th Army Corps [AC], Leningrad Military District [LMD]) with seizing Serdobyne and elements of the 34th Separate Motorized Rifle Brigade (49th Combined Arms Army [CAA], Southern Military District [SMD], under the operational control of the Northern GoF) with the seizure of Hrachivka.[33] A Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that the claimed Russian encirclement northeast of Kharkiv City “does not exist in a traditional sense,” and that Russian forces have not completed the encirclement, contrary to Russian MoD claims.[34] The milblogger claimed that the alleged seizures of Rublene and Kreidyanka (both northeast of Velykyi Burluk) are false, that Russian forces do not control Nesterne and Lukashove (both north of Velykyi Burluk), and that Russian forces only control northern Vilkhuvatka (northeast of Velykyi Burluk), while the rest of the settlement is a “gray zone.”[35]
Russian Supporting Effort: Oskil River
Russian forces continued limited offensive operations in the Kupyansk and Borova directions on October 1 and 2 but did not make confirmed advances as Ukrainian forces counterattacked north of Kupyansk.[36] A Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that Russian forces advanced on the western outskirts of Kupyansk and west of Novovodyane (southeast of Borova).[37]
Russian sources continue to publish likely manipulated or AI-altered footage to aggrandize and support Russian claims of advance. Russian forces were purportedly operating in front of the train station in Kupyansk-Vuzlovyi (north of Kupyansk), according to footage originally published on October 2 and later deleted.[38] ISW has reason to assess that the footage may have been modified or AI-altered.
Russian Main Effort: Capture Ukraine’s Fortress Belt and complete the seizure of Donetsk Oblast
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #1 – Encircle the Fortress Belt from the northwest
Russian forces continued limited offensive operations in the Lyman tactical area on October 1 and 2 but did not advance as Ukrainian forces counterattacked.[39]
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #2 – Advance on the Fortress Belt from the east
Russian milbloggers and sources acknowledged that Ukrainian forces are conducting counterattacks east of Slovyansk and southeast of Lyman. A Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that Ukrainian forces counterattacked near Kalenyky (east of Slovyansk) and that fighting continued near Yampil (southeast of Lyman) and Kryva Luka (east of Slovyansk).[40] Another Russian milblogger acknowledged on October 2 that Ukrainian forces conducted counterattacks toward Kryva Luka from the Siverskyi Donets River north of the settlement.[41] A source reporting on the Russian Western GoF claimed on October 2 that meeting engagements continue near Yampil and along the Zherebets River.[42] Russian milbloggers have repeatedly acknowledged that Ukrainian counterattacks in and near Kalenyky, Kryva Luka, Ozerne (north of Kryva Luka), and Yampil continue to disrupt Russian plans to conduct a frontal assault against the northern Fortress Belt cities — likely the combined result of Ukrainian counterattacks southeast of Lyman and east of Slovyansk.[43]
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #3 – Advance on the Fortress Belt from the south
Russian forces continued offensive operations within, west of, and northwest of Kostyantynivka on October 1 and 2 but did not advance.[44]
Russian Subordinate Main Effort #4 – Encircle the Fortress Belt from the southwest
Russian forces continued offensive operations within and north of Dobropillya and west of Pokrovsk on October 1 and 2 but did not advance.[45] A Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that Russian forces advanced north of Serhiivka and northwest of Novooleksandrivka (both southwest of Dobropillya).[46]
Russian forces are reportedly attempting to infiltrate into Dobropillya and its surrounding areas, contrary to the Russian MoD’s repeated claims that Russian forces successfully encircled Dobropillya and seized part of the town. An officer of a Ukrainian brigade stated on October 2 that Russian forces are using untrained assault groups, as well as special forces units, including elements of the Russian 3rd Spetsnaz Brigade (Russian General Staff’s Main Directorate [GRU], reportedly operationally subordinated to the Central Grouping of Forces) and the 56th Separate Spetsnaz Battalion (51st Combined Arms Army [CAA], formerly 1st Donetsk People’s Republic Army Corps [DNR AC], Southern Military District [SMD]), to infiltrate Dobropillya and its surroundings.[47] The Russian MoD recently made baseless claims that Russian forces encircled Ukrainian forces in Dobropillya and that Russian forces control eastern Dobropillya, but ISW has not observed evidence to support these claims.[48]
Ukrainian strikes are targeting Russian rail infrastructure in occupied Donetsk Oblast. A Ukrainian assault regiment posted footage on October 2 showing a Ukrainian drone reconnoitering and potentially striking a Russian train at the Donetsk Railway Station in occupied Donetsk City (roughly 45 kilometers from the frontline).[49]
Russian Supporting Effort: Advance into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast
Neither Russian nor Ukrainian sources reported ground activity in the Novopavlivka direction on October 2.
Russian forces continued limited offensive operations in the Oleksandrivka direction on October 1 and 2 but did not advance as Ukrainian forces counterattacked east of Oleksandrivka.[50]
Russian Supporting Effort: Southern Axis
Russian forces continued offensive operations in the Hulyaipole direction on October 1 and 2 but did not advance as Ukrainian forces counterattacked in the area.[51]
Russian forces continued offensive operations in western Zaporizhia Oblast on October 1 and 2 but did not advance.[52]
Ukrainian forces continue to conduct an intense intermediate-range strike campaign against Russian logistics in southern occupied Ukraine as part of battlefield-shaping operations that will likely continue to enable Ukrainian counteroffensives. A Russian milblogger claimed on October 2 that Ukrainian forces continue to conduct a systematic strike campaign against Russian automotive logistics along the entire M-14 Rostov Oblast-Crimea highway (which Russian occupation officials denote as the R-280 highway) in southern occupied Ukraine.[53] The milblogger added that Ukrainian forces intensified their strike campaign against the section of the highway in Zaporizhia Oblast and nearby roads over the past 10 days (likely since September 25). Ukrainian forces notably began intensifying their efforts to interdict Russian ground lines of communication (GLOCs) in occupied Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhia, and Kherson oblasts in May 2026, particularly along the T-0509 Mariupol-Donetsk City highway (also called the H-20 highway) and the M-14 highway, which — together with the M-18 Melitopol-Zaporizhzhia City highway — connects Russia with occupied Crimea through the so-called ”land bridge.”[54] The Ukrainian strike campaign against Russian GLOCs has disrupted supplies for Russian forces operating along the entire frontline and degraded Russian logistics at operational depth ahead of Ukrainian maneuvers in the Oleksandrivka and Lyman directions.[55] Data from the Ukrainian Unmanned Systems Forces (USF) indicates that Ukrainian forces currently maintain a high intensity of strikes against Russian logistics across the frontline. Ukrainian forces damaged, on average, over twice as many Russian logistics vehicles and fuel tankers in the period May 2026 through September 2026 than in the previous five-month period. Ukraine’s intermediate-range strike campaign continues to inhibit Russian troop and supply movement towards the frontline and to catalyze Ukrainian battlefield successes.[56]
Neither Russian nor Ukrainian sources reported ground activity in the Kherson direction on October 2.
Russia is struggling to reroute its grain exports due to continued Ukrainian strikes against Russian export assets in the Black Sea. Bloomberg reported on October 1 that Russia shipped only about 1.3 million tons of grain and oilseed through five alternative ports from July to September 2026 — approximately one tenth of its Black Sea ports’ export capacity of about 12 million tons during the July to September period.[57] Bloomberg reported that Russia’s daily rail loadings of agricultural products at the Ust-Luga and Vysotsk ports on the Baltic Sea increased by 465 percent between September 1 and 22. Several Russian grain exporters assessed that the Russian government would need to create subsidies to make the alternative route via Murmansk economically viable, however. Ukraine’s strike campaign against Russian commercial transport routes in the Black Sea continues to disrupt the Russian government’s ability to earn revenues from its key export commodities, including grain.[58]
Russian Air, Missile, and Drone Campaign
Note: The Ukrainian military ceased regularly reporting the numbers of Russian missiles fired and the number of missiles intercepted as of August 11. [59]
Russian forces conducted a series of drone and missile strikes against Ukraine overnight on October 1 to 2. The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russian forces launched 108 Shahed- (47 of which were jet-powered) and Gerbera-type strike drones and Parodiya-type decoy drones from the directions of Bryansk City; Primorsko-Akhtarsk, Krasnodar Krai; occupied Donetsk Oblast; and occupied Hvardiiske, Crimea overnight.[60] The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Ukrainian forces downed 88 drones, that Russian drones struck 11 locations, and that downed debris fell on five locations. Ukrainian officials reported that Russian forces struck residential, commercial, energy, port, and logistics infrastructure in Dnipropetrovsk, Cherkasy, Odesa, Kharkiv, Kyiv, Poltava, Mykolaiv, and Rivne oblasts.[61] Ukrainian state energy operator Ukrenergo reported on October 2 that Russian strikes against Ukrainian energy infrastructure caused power outages in Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, Zaporizhzhia, Mykolaiv, Kharkiv, and Chernihiv oblasts.[62]
Ukrainian forces are leveraging F-16 fighter jets as a cost-effective method for intercepting Russian jet-powered drones. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stated on October 2 that Ukrainian F-16 fighter jets are intercepting 50 to 60 percent of all Russian jet-powered drones.[63] Sources told Bloomberg on September 30 that the internal 20-millimeter caliber cannon on F-16 jets is the most cost-effective and immediate solution to intercepting drones given the abundance of global F-16 ammunition supplies.[64]
Significant Activity in Belarus
Nothing significant to report.
Note: ISW does not receive any classified material from any source, uses only publicly available information, and draws extensively on Russian, Ukrainian, and Western reporting and social media as well as commercially available satellite imagery and other geospatial data as the basis for these reports. References to all sources used are provided in the endnotes of each update.
[1] http://kremlin dot ru/events/president/news/80910 [2] https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment_17-10/?ct=1790972233967; https://t.me/zarubinreporter/1740 [3] https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment_6-7/; https://t.me/medvedev_telegram/489; https://twitter.com/MedvedevRussiaE/status/1787427096320430252 [4] https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-december-2-2025/; http://kremlin dot ru/events/president/news/78632 [5] https://life dot ru/p/1890902 [6] https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment_2-3/ ; https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment_23-7/ ; https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment_28-8/ ; https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment_11-6/ ; 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https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-july-19-2026/ ; https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-july-22-2026/ [59] https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-08-11/ukraine-stops-reporting-russia-missile-data-as-defenses-struggle?srnd=homepage-americas; https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-august-11-2026/ [60] https://t.me/kpszsu/82252 [61] https://x.com/ZelenskyyUa/status/2105922510336225578?s=20; https://t.me/V_Zelenskiy_official/21168; https://t.me/cherkaskaODA/23400; https://t.me/dnipropetrovskaODA/32303; https://t.me/synegubov/26171 ; https://t.me/synegubov/26167 ; https://t.me/synegubov/26168 ; https://t.me/synegubov/26169 ; https://t.me/synegubov/26170 ; https://t.me/synegubov/26172; https://t.me/ihor_terekhov/4711 ; https://t.me/ihor_terekhov/4707 ; https://t.me/ihor_terekhov/4708 ; https://t.me/ihor_terekhov/4709 ; https://t.me/ihor_terekhov/4710 ; https://t.me/ihor_terekhov/4712 ; https://t.me/ihor_terekhov/4713; https://t.me/vitaliy_klitschko/7752; https://www.facebook.com/mykoda/posts/pfbid03RXVz1nUfYisjuzcJ1Qi2SefWdgC2uhKbJbroV3pZeQkx75LSMtcMVwF2F4md1Gjl; https://t.me/mykolaiv_ova/5314; https://t.me/poltavskaOVA/34860; https://t.me/oleksandrkoval_rv/12146; https://www.facebook.com/police.in.Rivne.region/posts/pfbid0yLeZmyE3m7669qkdNZFHphtaBFj7TKMuXKYHSnmzfLuzR4mteWmBucQeuBvpPmcLl?locale=uk_UA [62] https://t.me/Ukrenergo/5480 [63] https://x.com/ZelenskyyUa/status/2105992007130689939; https://t.me/V_Zelenskiy_official/21178 [64] https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-09-30/ukraine-seeks-shells-for-f-16s-to-shoot-down-jet-powered-drones
俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京推进了俄罗斯持续进行的认知战,旨在说服世界相信,对俄罗斯威胁和持续在欧洲发生的有限军事打击做出回应的欧洲领导人才是真正的侵略者。10月1日,普京在瓦尔代国际辩论论坛上发表讲话,用了相当长的篇幅声称俄罗斯“没有威胁任何人”,也没有“在2029年、2030年或2050年攻击任何人的计划”。[1] 普京还错误地声称,俄罗斯军队从未对与军事基础设施没有直接关系的目标发动过先发制人的打击。然而,普京后来强调,如果欧洲攻击加里宁格勒州或俄罗斯其他地区,使用核武器将“不可避免地立即”出现在俄罗斯的议程上。过去几年里,包括普京本人在内的克里姆林宫官员曾多次威胁要攻击欧洲国家,例如:
普京在 2023 年 12 月 17 日表示,芬兰“将会出现问题”,芬兰加入北约促使列宁格勒军区 (LMD) 成立,并将军事单位集中在俄罗斯西北部。[2]
俄罗斯安全会议副主席德米特里·梅德韦杰夫威胁说,西方介入乌克兰将导致“世界灾难”,并警告说,俄罗斯将于 2024 年 5 月 6 日对华盛顿、巴黎和伦敦发动袭击。[3]
2025 年 12 月 2 日,普京发出了一条隐晦的核威胁,称如果欧洲与俄罗斯开战,就会“很快出现”这样一种局面,届时俄罗斯将“无人可与之谈判”。[4]
2026年6月23日,俄罗斯国家杜马国防委员会成员安德烈·科列斯尼克呼吁,如果加里宁格勒州局势升级,将对一些欧洲国家的首都进行核打击。[5]
普京10月1日的讲话是克里姆林宫持续努力的一部分,旨在支持一些欧洲领导人毫无根据的亲俄反乌克兰论点,即有关俄罗斯实际威胁的讨论是捏造的,俄罗斯实际上是西方侵略的受害者。[6] 事实上,包括普京在内的俄罗斯官员一直在威胁欧洲国家,甚至扬言要发动核攻击。克里姆林宫也越来越多地对欧洲发动有限的军事打击,包括蓄意使用无人机入侵摩尔多瓦和北约领空,以及各种破坏和间谍活动。[7]
普京声称俄罗斯在2026年9月取得的前线战果与现实相去甚远,简直如同幻觉。普京声称,仅在2026年9月,俄军就在乌克兰占领了1301平方公里的领土——是此前几个月俄军声称占领面积的2.5倍。[8] 但ISW观察到的证据表明,俄军在2026年9月净损失了80.81平方公里。[9] 即使考虑到俄军渗透到尚未控制的地区,俄军在2026年9月的净损失面积也高达175.18平方公里。普京荒谬的说法继续营造一种虚构的战场现实,支持克里姆林宫的认知战策略,即错误地将俄军的推进描绘成席卷整个战场。[10] ISW 无法评估普京是否知道他所公布的数据是虚假的,或者他是否因为俄罗斯军事指挥结构中根深蒂固的撒谎文化而接受了向他提供的虚构的前线数据。
在“中心-2026”联合军演期间,俄罗斯军队可能正在向中华人民共和国(中国)部队传授如何将一些最先进的无人机和反无人机系统整合到陆地作战中。据报道,中国已派遣一支“军事特遣队”参加了由俄罗斯主办、在车里雅宾斯克州车里雅宾斯克训练场举行的“中心-2026”战略指挥参谋部演习,演习时间为9月28日至10月3日。[11] 俄罗斯国防部长安德烈·别洛乌索夫于10月2日表示,此次演习动用了约700件装备、600多架无人机和60多辆无人地面车辆,为解放军部队提供了一个在模拟军事环境中训练使用一些最先进的无人技术的机会。[12] 俄中军队在演习期间进行了联合部署和机动演练。[13]中国军队此前曾观摩过“西部-2025”演习,但并未积极参与。[14] 中国军队很可能在“中心-2026”演习中积累了宝贵的经验,包括发动和防御第一人称视角(FPV)无人机袭击、使用地面机器人系统、观察电子战技术以及进行在乌克兰战争中使用的俄式小队突击战术。
10月1日和2日,俄罗斯军队对基辅市南桥发动了多次无人机袭击,旨在破坏桥梁的结构稳定性,并给乌克兰首都带来不便——正如ISW近期预测的那样。然而,目前尚不清楚俄罗斯军队能否持续保持所需的打击强度和频率,从而使桥梁无法修复。基辅市市长维塔利·克利奇科报告称,10月1日下午至10月2日晚间,俄罗斯对基辅市第聂伯河上的南桥发动了四波无人机袭击。[15] 俄罗斯国防部承认,俄军在10月1日夜间至2日凌晨袭击了基辅市一座横跨第聂伯河的公路铁路桥。[16] ISW在10月1日,即第一波无人机袭击之后指出,俄罗斯要想对南桥这样的大型加固结构造成重大破坏,需要在短时间内进行多次精确打击——而这正是俄罗斯军队目前正在尝试的。[17]即使最终不会对桥梁的实际结构造成重大损害,反复袭击桥梁的目的也可能是严重扰乱交通和平民生活。
乌克兰官员证实了长期以来关于俄罗斯意图在2026-2027年冬季空袭行动中袭击乌克兰民用和关键基础设施,特别是主要城市的评估。据《金融时报》10月2日援引乌克兰总统泽连斯基以及乌克兰和欧洲安全官员的话报道,乌克兰情报显示,俄罗斯军队正准备加强对乌克兰最大城市(包括基辅、哈尔科夫、利沃夫和敖德萨)的空袭,以便在冬季来临之际将这些城市与乌克兰其他地区隔绝开来。[18] 泽连斯基特别强调,俄罗斯近期对南部大桥的袭击是其更广泛行动的一部分,旨在恐吓乌克兰民众,迫使他们离开大城市。据《纽约时报》报道,俄罗斯军队计划在2026-2027年冬季摧毁乌克兰的能源系统,包括对乌克兰三座正在运行的核电站附近进行导弹袭击,强行切断其电网。该报道援引了一份未经证实的俄罗斯计划。[19] 据报道,俄罗斯的计划还打算大范围打击乌克兰的水利基础设施,最终切断主要城市的电力、供暖和供水。俄罗斯的袭击旨在给乌克兰主要城市的民众造成严重伤害,其目的很可能也是为了离间前线士兵和乌克兰民众。克里姆林宫或许还希望在即将到来的冬季给泽连斯基制造一场政治危机。俄罗斯的这些举动可能会分散乌克兰和欧洲的注意力,使其无法专注于维持乌克兰当前的战场能力,从而帮助俄罗斯缓解其军队目前在武力实现普京目标过程中遇到的问题。对于乌克兰及其支持者来说,至关重要的是,他们必须紧急开展工作,抵御俄罗斯对乌克兰平民的攻击,同时保持乌克兰目前在战场上的势头,避免在这两项要求之间做出取舍。
泽连斯基在10月2日评估认为,普京之所以将重点放在对乌克兰的大规模打击上,是因为俄罗斯在乌克兰东部的战场进展已经放缓——这与ISW最近的评估相符,即普京新的胜利理论旨在依靠俄罗斯在2026-2027年冬季发起的远程打击行动迫使乌克兰投降。[20] ISW最近评估认为,乌克兰在2026年战场上的胜利可能迫使普京重新评估他最初依赖持续但缓慢的战场推进的胜利理论。普京转而使用俄罗斯的远程打击,大量使用喷气式无人机和弹道导弹,乌克兰军队难以高效率地拦截这些武器,希望以此迫使乌克兰人要求投降。[21]
俄罗斯喷气式动力“格朗”(Geran)无人机的优势可能会持续到乌克兰军队扩大拦截无人机的生产规模为止。泽连斯基告诉《金融时报》,乌克兰军队摧毁了俄罗斯约57%的喷气式动力无人机和85%至90%的常规无人机。[22] 泽连斯基补充说,乌克兰目前正在测试五种拦截无人机,到2026年10月底,其中一种型号将能够生产约400架,而其他四种型号仍在继续测试。俄罗斯一直在利用乌克兰在拦截俄罗斯喷气式动力无人机方面遇到的困难,近几周来不断增加喷气式动力无人机的发射数量,并减少对弹道导弹的依赖。[23] 俄罗斯军队可能已经意识到乌克兰在部署和扩大其喷气式动力无人机拦截器方面取得的进展,并且很可能正在俄罗斯仍然保持技术优势的情况下,越来越多地发射喷气式动力无人机。未来乌克兰喷气式无人机拦截率的提升将削弱俄罗斯的技术优势,届时俄军可能会转而发射更多弹道导弹,以利用乌克兰“爱国者”拦截导弹库存不足的弱点。与此同时,俄军很可能正在囤积弹道导弹和准弹道导弹,以便在喷气式无人机失去当前优势后,能够发动更猛烈的远程打击。对于乌克兰的所有支持者而言,扩大喷气式无人机拦截导弹的生产规模,必须成为当务之急,同时还应继续努力获取“爱国者”拦截导弹,并部署新的弹道导弹拦截系统。
俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京推进了俄罗斯正在进行的认知战努力,以说服世界相信,对俄罗斯的威胁和持续在欧洲进行的有限军事攻击做出回应的欧洲领导人才是真正的侵略者。
普京声称俄罗斯在2026年9月取得的前线胜利与现实相去甚远,简直如同幻觉。
在“中心-2026”演习期间,俄罗斯军队可能正在向中华人民共和国(PRC)的部分人员传授如何将一些最先进的无人机和反无人机系统整合到陆地战争中。
10月1日和2日,俄罗斯军队对基辅市南部大桥发动了多次无人机袭击,旨在破坏大桥的结构稳定性,并给乌克兰首都的居民生活带来困难——正如ISW近期预测的那样。然而,目前尚不清楚俄罗斯军队是否能够持续保持所需的打击强度和频率,从而使大桥无法修复。
乌克兰官员证实了长期以来关于俄罗斯意图在 2026-2027 年冬季打击行动中以乌克兰民用和关键基础设施为目标,尤其是在主要城市的评估。
泽连斯基在 10 月 2 日评估认为,普京正集中精力对乌克兰进行大规模打击,因为俄罗斯在乌克兰东部的战场进展已经放缓——这与 ISW 最近的评估一致,即普京的新胜利理论旨在依靠俄罗斯在 2026-2027 年冬季发起的远程打击行动迫使乌克兰投降。
俄罗斯喷气式动力“格朗”无人机的优势可能会持续到乌克兰军队扩大拦截无人机的生产规模为止。
乌克兰军队继续对俄罗斯境内的军事目标和石油基础设施发动远程打击。俄罗斯连夜向乌克兰发射了108架无人机。
10月2日,俄乌双方军队均未取得进展。
我们不会详细报道俄罗斯的战争罪行,因为西方媒体已对此进行充分报道,而且这些罪行不会直接影响我们正在评估和预测的军事行动。我们将继续评估并报道这些犯罪活动对乌克兰军队和乌克兰民众的影响,特别是对乌克兰城市地区战斗的影响。我们强烈谴责俄罗斯违反武装冲突法和日内瓦公约的行为以及反人类罪行,尽管我们并未在这些报告中详细描述这些罪行。
乌克兰在俄罗斯联邦的行动
乌克兰军队继续对俄罗斯境内的军事设施和石油基础设施发动远程打击。乌克兰总参谋部报告称,10月1日至2日夜间,乌克兰军队袭击了位于伏尔加格勒州伏尔加格勒市的卢克石油-伏尔加格勒石油炼油厂(距前线约472公里)和位于萨马拉州普罗斯韦特附近的萨马拉线性生产和调度站(距国际边界约937公里)。[24] 乌克兰国家安全局(SBU)于10月2日报告称,乌克兰军队还袭击了位于普罗斯韦特附近的萨马拉-1和萨马拉-2号石油泵站。[25]乌克兰总参谋部报告称,卢克石油-伏尔加格勒炼油厂每年加工约1500万吨原油,萨马拉线性生产和调度站是一个接收、储存和混合设施,用于混合乌拉尔原油,乌拉尔原油占俄罗斯石油出口总量的50%之多。乌克兰总统泽连斯基于10月2日表示,乌克兰军队袭击了沃罗涅日州、下诺夫哥罗德州、伏尔加格勒州、萨马拉州、克拉斯诺达尔边疆区以及黑海沿岸的机场、工业设施、导弹和航天中心、炼油厂和弹药库。[26]
俄罗斯的支持行动:北方轴心国
俄罗斯军队近期在苏梅州北部进行了一次渗透行动。根据10月2日公布的地理定位视频,乌克兰军队袭击了波克罗夫卡(苏梅市以东)以北的俄军阵地,ISW评估认为这是一次俄军渗透行动。[27] 俄罗斯国防部于10月2日声称,俄军占领了马拉雷比察(苏梅市以东)。[28] 俄罗斯北方集团军称,占领马拉雷比察的部队是俄罗斯第15坦克团(隶属于列宁格勒军区第6集团军第69摩托化步兵师)和车臣第204艾哈迈德特种部队团的部分兵力。[29]
俄罗斯的支持行动:哈尔科夫州
10 月 1 日和 2 日,俄军继续在哈尔科夫州北部进行进攻行动,但没有取得确切进展。[30] 10 月 2 日,一位俄罗斯军事博主声称,俄军已推进到科扎恰洛潘中部(哈尔科夫市以北)。[31]
俄罗斯国防部继续声称占领了多个居民点,以此作为其毫无根据地包围哈尔科夫市东北部乌克兰军队的说法的一部分,而一位俄罗斯军事博客作者则对包围行动的存在提出了质疑。10月2日,俄罗斯国防部声称,俄罗斯北方部队集团占领了赫拉奇夫卡和谢尔多比涅(均位于大布尔卢克东北部)。[32] 俄罗斯北方部队集团将谢尔多比涅的占领归功于俄罗斯第127摩托化步兵团(隶属于列宁格勒军区第14军近卫第71摩托化步兵师)的部分兵力,并将赫拉奇夫卡的占领归功于第34独立摩托化步兵旅(隶属于南方军区第49合成集团军,由北方部队集团指挥)。[33]一位俄罗斯军事博主于10月2日声称,所谓俄罗斯在哈尔科夫市东北部进行的包围“并不符合传统意义上的包围”,并且俄罗斯军队并未完成包围,这与俄罗斯国防部的说法相反。[34] 该军事博主声称,所谓占领鲁布列内和克雷迪扬卡(均位于大布尔卢克东北部)的说法是错误的,俄罗斯军队并未控制涅斯特涅和卢卡绍韦(均位于大布尔卢克北部),俄罗斯军队仅控制了维尔胡瓦特卡北部(位于大布尔卢克东北部),而该定居点的其余部分则是一个“灰色地带”。[35]
俄罗斯的支持行动:奥斯基尔河
10 月 1 日和 2 日,俄军继续在库皮扬斯克和博罗瓦方向进行有限的进攻行动,但由于乌克兰军队在库皮扬斯克北部进行反击,俄军并未取得确切进展。[36] 10 月 2 日,一位俄罗斯军事博主声称,俄军在库皮扬斯克西郊和新沃迪亚内以西(博罗瓦东南)推进。[37]
俄罗斯方面持续发布疑似经过篡改或人工智能处理的视频,以夸大和支持俄罗斯关于其推进的说法。根据10月2日最初发布后又被删除的视频,据称俄军在库皮扬斯克-武兹洛维(库皮扬斯克以北)火车站前展开行动。[38] ISW有理由评估该视频可能已被修改或人工智能处理。
俄罗斯主要行动:夺取乌克兰要塞带并完成对顿涅茨克州的占领
俄军下属主要行动一:从西北方向包围要塞带
10 月 1 日和 2 日,俄军在莱曼战术区继续进行有限的进攻行动,但由于乌克兰军队的反击,俄军未能取得进展。[39]
俄军第二主力行动——从东面进攻要塞带
俄罗斯军事博客作者和消息人士证实,乌克兰军队正在斯拉维扬斯克以东和莱曼东南方向进行反击。一位俄罗斯军事博客作者于10月2日声称,乌克兰军队在卡列尼基(斯拉维扬斯克以东)附近发动反击,战斗在扬皮尔(莱曼东南)和克里瓦卢卡(斯拉维扬斯克以东)附近仍在继续。[40] 另一位俄罗斯军事博客作者于10月2日证实,乌克兰军队从克里瓦卢卡以北的西维尔斯基顿涅茨河方向发动反击。[41] 一位俄罗斯西部联邦政府的消息人士于10月2日声称,在扬皮尔附近和热列别茨河沿岸的交火仍在继续。[42]俄罗斯军事博客作者多次承认,乌克兰在卡列尼基、克里瓦卢卡、奥泽尔内(克里瓦卢卡以北)和扬皮尔及其附近地区的反击,继续扰乱俄罗斯对北部要塞带城市进行正面进攻的计划——这很可能是乌克兰在莱曼东南和斯拉维扬斯克以东的反击的综合结果。[43]
俄军下属主要行动#3——从南部向要塞带推进
10 月 1 日和 2 日,俄军继续在科斯蒂安蒂尼夫卡境内、西部和西北部进行进攻行动,但并未取得进展。[44]
俄军下属主要行动#4——从西南方向包围要塞带
10 月 1 日和 2 日,俄军继续在多布罗皮利亚及其以北和波克罗夫斯克以西地区开展进攻行动,但并未取得进展。[45] 10 月 2 日,一位俄罗斯军事博主声称,俄军在谢尔盖夫卡以北和新列克桑德里夫卡西北(均位于多布罗皮利亚西南)取得了进展。[46]
据报道,俄军正试图渗透多布罗皮利亚及其周边地区,这与俄罗斯国防部一再声称俄军已成功包围多布罗皮利亚并占领该镇部分地区的说法相悖。一名乌克兰旅的军官于10月2日表示,俄军正在使用未经训练的突击小组以及特种部队,其中包括俄罗斯第3特种旅(隶属于俄罗斯总参谋部情报总局[GRU],据称在作战上隶属于中央集团军)和第56独立特种营(隶属于第51合成集团军[CAA],前身为顿涅茨克人民共和国第1军[DNR AC],南部军区[SMD])的部分兵力,渗透多布罗皮利亚及其周边地区。[47]俄罗斯国防部最近毫无根据地声称,俄罗斯军队包围了多布罗皮利亚的乌克兰军队,并且俄罗斯军队控制了多布罗皮利亚东部,但ISW没有发现任何证据支持这些说法。[48]
乌克兰的空袭目标是被占领的顿涅茨克州的俄罗斯铁路基础设施。10月2日,一个乌克兰突击团发布了一段视频,显示一架乌克兰无人机正在侦察并可能袭击了位于被占领的顿涅茨克市(距前线约45公里)的顿涅茨克火车站的一列俄罗斯火车。[49]
俄罗斯支援行动:进军第聂伯罗彼得罗夫斯克州
10 月 2 日,俄罗斯和乌克兰方面均未报告新巴甫洛夫卡方向有地面活动。
10 月 1 日和 2 日,俄军继续在奥列克桑德里夫卡方向进行有限的进攻行动,但由于乌克兰军队在奥列克桑德里夫卡以东发动反击,俄军并未取得进展。[50]
俄罗斯的支持行动:南方轴心
10 月 1 日和 2 日,俄军继续向胡利亚伊波列方向发起进攻,但由于乌克兰军队在该地区进行反击,俄军未能取得进展。[51]
10月1日和2日,俄军继续在扎波罗热州西部进行进攻行动,但没有取得进展。[52]
乌克兰军队继续在被占领的乌克兰南部地区对俄罗斯后勤设施进行密集的中程打击,这是旨在塑造战场态势的行动的一部分,很可能将继续为乌克兰的反攻提供支持。一位俄罗斯军事博主于10月2日声称,乌克兰军队继续在被占领的乌克兰南部地区,沿整条M-14罗斯托夫州-克里米亚公路(俄罗斯占领当局称之为R-280公路)对俄罗斯的汽车后勤设施进行系统性打击。[53] 该军事博主还补充说,过去10天(可能自9月25日起),乌克兰军队加强了对扎波罗热州境内该公路路段及附近道路的打击力度。 2026年5月,乌克兰军队开始加大力度,切断被占领的顿涅茨克、卢甘斯克、扎波罗热和赫尔松州境内的俄罗斯地面交通线(GLOC),尤其是在T-0509马里乌波尔-顿涅茨克市公路(又称H-20公路)和M-14公路沿线。M-14公路与M-18梅利托波尔-扎波罗热市公路共同构成所谓的“陆桥”,连接俄罗斯与被占领的克里米亚。[54] 乌克兰对俄罗斯地面交通线的打击行动扰乱了沿整条前线作战的俄罗斯部队的补给,并在乌克兰向奥列克桑德里夫卡和莱曼方向进行军事演习之前,削弱了俄罗斯纵深作战的后勤保障。[55] 来自乌克兰无人系统部队(USF)的数据显示,乌克兰军队目前正保持着对沿前线俄罗斯后勤保障的高强度打击。 2026 年 5 月至 2026 年 9 月期间,乌克兰军队平均损毁的俄罗斯后勤车辆和油罐车数量是前五个月的两倍多。乌克兰的中程打击行动继续阻碍俄罗斯军队和物资向前线移动,并促进乌克兰在战场上取得胜利。[56]
10月2日,俄罗斯和乌克兰方面均未报告赫尔松方向有地面活动。
由于乌克兰持续袭击俄罗斯在黑海的出口设施,俄罗斯正努力调整粮食出口路线。彭博社10月1日报道称,2026年7月至9月期间,俄罗斯仅通过五个替代港口运输了约130万吨粮食和油籽,约为其黑海港口同期约1200万吨出口能力的十分之一。[57] 彭博社还报道称,9月1日至22日期间,俄罗斯在波罗的海沿岸的乌斯季卢加港和维索茨克港的农产品铁路日装载量增长了465%。然而,一些俄罗斯粮食出口商评估认为,俄罗斯政府需要提供补贴,才能使经由摩尔曼斯克港的替代路线在经济上可行。乌克兰针对俄罗斯在黑海的商业运输路线的袭击行动持续干扰着俄罗斯政府从其主要出口商品(包括粮食)中获得收入的能力。[58]
俄罗斯空袭、导弹和无人机行动
注:自 8 月 11 日起,乌克兰军方停止定期报告俄罗斯发射的导弹数量和拦截的导弹数量。[59]
10月1日至2日夜间,俄罗斯军队对乌克兰发动了一系列无人机和导弹袭击。乌克兰空军报告称,俄军从布良斯克市、克拉斯诺达尔边疆区滨海-阿赫塔尔斯克、被占领的顿涅茨克州以及被占领的克里米亚赫瓦尔季斯克方向,连夜发射了108架“沙赫德”(其中47架为喷气式)和“格贝拉”型攻击无人机以及“帕罗迪亚”型诱饵无人机。[60] 乌克兰空军报告称,乌克兰军队击落了88架无人机,俄罗斯无人机袭击了11个地点,坠落的无人机碎片散落在5个地点。乌克兰官员报告称,俄军袭击了第聂伯罗彼得罗夫斯克州、切尔卡瑟州、敖德萨州、哈尔科夫州、基辅州、波尔塔瓦州、尼古拉耶夫州和罗夫诺州的居民区、商业区、能源区、港口和物流基础设施。[61]乌克兰国家能源运营商 Ukrenergo 于 10 月 2 日报告称,俄罗斯对乌克兰能源基础设施的袭击导致顿涅茨克州、第聂伯罗彼得罗夫斯克州、扎波罗热州、尼古拉耶夫州、哈尔科夫州和切尔尼戈夫州停电。[62]
乌克兰军队正利用F-16战斗机以经济高效的方式拦截俄罗斯喷气式无人机。乌克兰总统泽连斯基10月2日表示,乌克兰的F-16战斗机拦截了50%至60%的俄罗斯喷气式无人机。[63] 9月30日,彭博社援引消息人士的话称,鉴于F-16战斗机弹药供应充足,其内置的20毫米口径机炮是拦截无人机最经济高效且最直接的解决方案。[64]
白俄罗斯的重大活动
没有什么重大事项需要报告。
注:ISW 不接收任何来源的机密材料,仅使用公开信息,并广泛参考俄罗斯、乌克兰和西方媒体的报道和社交媒体,以及市售卫星图像和其他地理空间数据作为报告的基础。所有参考资料均列于每份更新报告的尾注中。
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