US-Russia battle for influence plays out in Central African Republic

BANGUI, Central African Republic — Hours after Russian mercenary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin rebelled against his country’s top military leaders , his private army’s biggest client in Africa panicked, turning for help to his foe in the West.

Officials from Central African Republic , where some 1,500 of Prigozhin’s shadowy Wagner Group mercenaries were stationed, wrote a letter that day, requesting to “rapidly” arrange a meeting with a private U.S. security firm to discuss collaboration.

Dated June 23, 2023, the day Prigozhin launched the armed rebellion , the letter sparked a series of private meetings, culminating in a deal with the central African nation and Bancroft Global Development. That sparked backlash from Russian mercenaries, according to a dozen diplomats, locals and analysts.

The tensions in Central African Republic are a window into a larger battle playing out across the continent as Moscow and Washington vie for influence.

The Russian mercenaries — using success in staving off rebels in this impoverished nation as a model for expansion — have long been accused by locals and rights groups of stripping natural resources such as minerals and timber and are linked to the torture and death of civilians . In the wake of Prigozhin’s rebellion and suspicious death in a plane crash , the Russians are recalibrating their Africa operations. The United States, which has been largely disengaged from the region for years, is attempting to maintain a presence and stymie Russian gains as it pushes African countries to distance themselves from the mercenaries.

U.S. officials blame Russia for anti-American sentiment in the region and say they’re trying to shift the narrative.

“If the U.S. can’t regain a foothold, it could give Russia greater economic and political leverage,” said Samuel Ramani of the Royal United Services Institute, a defense and security think tank. “If Russia loses Central African Republic, its flagship model on the continent, there could be a domino effect in other countries.”

In recent years, Russia has emerged as the security partner of choice for a growing number of governments in the region, displacing traditional allies such as France and the U.S.

Moscow aggressively expanded its military cooperation by using mercenaries like Wagner, who have operated in at least half a dozen countries since around 2017. They’re tasked with protecting African leaders and in some cases helping fight rebels and extremists.

This undated photograph provided by the French military shows three Russian mercenaries in northern Mali. (French Army via AP)

They’re also plagued by their human rights record . Two years ago in Mali, Wagner and the army were accused of executing about 300 men — some suspected of being Islamist extremists, but most civilians — in what Human Rights Watch called the worst single atrocity reported in the country’s decade-long armed conflict. And in Central African Republic, mercenaries train the army on torture tactics, including how to cut hands, remove nails, throw fuel and burn people alive, according to watchdog The Sentry.

A soldier who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal confirmed torture tactics and told The Associated Press he saw mercenaries put a fellow soldier into a sweltering container as punishment. He said people could stay locked in containers for three weeks, with many dying inside.

Central African Republic was one of the first places the mercenaries entered. The country has been in conflict since 2013, when predominantly Muslim rebels seized power and forced the president from office. Six of the 14 armed groups that signed a 2019 peace deal later left the agreement. Locals and the government credited Wagner with fighting back rebels who tried to overtake Bangui, the capital, in 2021. The Russians soon expanded to Burkina Faso and Niger, and have ambitions for further growth.

Russia is refurbishing a military base some 50 miles from Bangui. Alexander Bikantov, Russia’s ambassador to Central African Republic, said the base will improve the country’s security.

Fidele Gouandjika, adviser to President Faustin-Archange Touadera, said the base aims to have 10,000 fighters by 2030 to engage with more African nations.

Some countries see Russia’s influence as a threat to their own, but conflict analysts say weakening it will be challenging if they won’t offer a similar force to pursue armed groups.

Wagner is steeped in Central African Republic’s security system, and experts say that will likely prevent Touadera from easily diversifying security partners.

Touadera’s office didn’t reply to written requests for comment for this story. His adviser to the country’s spy agency declined to be interviewed.

Pressure from the United States

The U.S. had been pushing Central African Republic to find an alternative to Wagner for years. A December 2022 private meeting sought ways to improve security without the mercenaries but yielded little tangible progress, according to a U.S. official who is familiar with the talks and spoke on condition of anonymity due to the privacy of ongoing discussions.

“We never really got past the confidence-building steps,” he said. “Steps on how XYZ would replace Wagner were abstract, and the door remains open.”

The more assertive U.S. approach came as it faced new setbacks and tried to rework agreements in the region. Its troops left Chad and Niger , where they were no longer welcome.

Central African Army Forces cadets display a fake rocket launcher in 2014 in Jean Bedel Bocassa's Berengo palace near Pissa. Ten years on, Russia is said to be helping to refurbish the site as a military base. (Jerome Delay/AP)

Still, the State Department said in a statement early this year that it wasn’t involved in the decision to establish Bancroft Global Development’s presence in Central African Republic.

But Washington could deny such contracts if it wanted, said Sean McFate, a former contractor in Africa and author of “The New Rules of War.”

The U.S. has used private military companies to reduce American “boots on the ground” in Africa, McFate said, and companies like Bancroft have to play by Washington’s rules if they want future government work.

In response to AP questions, the U.S. official who spoke on condition of anonymity said it uses private contractors in Africa to help countries operate more effectively, with U.S. government oversight to ensure accountability. The official said the State Department has overseen Bancroft’s work in Somalia but not Central African Republic or elsewhere.

Bancroft’s background

Washington-based Bancroft is a nonprofit working in nine countries — five of them in Africa. Its longest-standing presence is in Somalia, where it’s operated for more than 15 years, in part training troops to fight the militant group al-Shabab.

Bancroft’s involvement in Central African Republic has been shrouded in secrecy since signs emerged of its presence last fall.

During an AP visit months later, rumors swirled about Bancroft’s activities, fueling speculation the U.S was bringing its own Wagner to oust Russia.

But according to Bancroft founder Michael Stock, the group entered at Bangui’s behest.

“Touadera felt his Russian partners were underperforming and distracted, focused too much on other lines of effort ranging from breweries to cultural centers, rather than confronting the rebels,” Stock told AP in his first interview since Bancroft began operating there.

Touadera thought diversifying partners would prompt Russia to get in line and give the Americans what they wanted, Stock said.

Stock received the letter from the presidency within a day of Prigozhin’s mutiny, and the two signed a deal in September, he said.

Fewer than 30 Bancroft personnel work there, Stock said, helping Central African Republic with intelligence systems, interagency cooperation and law enforcement.

Bancroft has invested some $1.4 million there, Stock said.

Russian President Vladimir Putin, right, and Central African Republic President Faustin-Archange Тouadera walk during their meeting on the sideline of a 2023 Russia-Africa summit in St. Petersburg, Russia. (Artyom Geodakyan/TASS Host Photo Agency Pool Photo via AP)

Much of Bancroft’s overall funding has come from U.S. and United Nations grants. From 2018 to 2020, it received more than $43 million from the U.S., according to audits required as part of tax forms.

Amal Ali, former U.S. intelligence analyst, is among critics who say that despite its yearslong presence in Somalia, Bancroft hasn’t contributed to any real eradication of terrorism.

Stock dismissed such comments as uninformed and said the Somali and U.S. governments “agree Bancroft has done a great deal to damaging illegal armed groups and developing the capacity of the government to perform its national defense functions professionally.”

Backlash on the ground

Rights groups say a lack of transparency about Bancroft’s operations has fostered an atmosphere of distrust in a country already rampant with armed actors. Wagner, a U.N. peacekeeping mission and Rwandan troops are all on the ground to try to quell violence.

“Operating in a vague and nontransparent way in the Central African Republic only leads to suspicion,” said Lewis Mudge, of Human Rights Watch.

Stock defended Bancroft’s work and policies. “It is perfectly normal for a government not to publicize how it is defending the people and the state,” he told AP.

Last fall, as reports of possible collaboration with Bancroft emerged, Stock said he positioned a staff member at a hotel in Bangui to wait for Russia’s reaction.

“We expected Russia to freak out, so for our lone staff member in Bangui we chose a Russian speaker, who was tasked to do nothing but sit in the hotel garden reading a book all day, waiting for Russians to show whether they wanted to be cooperative, hostile, or ignore us,” Stock said.

Stock said that weeks later, in January, the employee was detained and questioned for hours by Russian forces and released only when Touadera stepped in.

Officials in both Central African Republic and Russia didn’t respond to requests for comment on any such incident. Bikantov, Russia’s ambassador to Central African Republic, has said Bancroft’s presence had no effect on cooperation with Russia’s military.

Nigeriens, some holding Russian flags, participate in a march called by supporters of coup leader Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani in Niamey, Niger, on July 30, 2023. (Sam Mednick/AP)

In the following months, aggression toward Americans and U.S. entities continued. Several American citizens were detained and had their passports confiscated, a diplomat who dealt with their cases said on condition of anonymity because he wasn’t allowed to speak to reporters. Rare anti-American protests erupted outside the U.S. embassy in Bangui, and local youths formed the Committee to Investigate U.S. Activities to monitor Bancroft’s movements.

Gouandjika, the presidential adviser, said the government has no problem with Americans and those denied entry lacked proper paperwork.

As the U.S. and Russia jockey for power, African governments say they want to make their own choices.

Central African Republic officials approached Bancroft, which shows that these governments haven’t become Russian puppets, said Jack Margolin, an expert on private military companies.

But, he added, Russia’s reaction to Bancroft could hurt Moscow’s standing with other nations.

After Prigozhin’s death, Russia moved quickly to take control of Wagner’s assets, and the defense ministry told countries where Wagner operated that it would take over. The country and its military intelligence arm have taken a more direct role in Africa operations, deploying more official detachments from its army.

Russia is trying to rebrand the mercenaries, creating Africa Corps, a parallel group that could absorb Wagner, said John Lechner, a Wagner expert.

In Central African Republic, it’s still unclear how much sway the Russian state has with the mercenaries, who are beloved by many and embedded in society, brewing beer and visiting markets. Still, they largely keep to themselves, walking through streets with faces covered and driving in unmarked cars.

For many, Prigozhin was a national hero. Standing at a downtown monument of Russian soldiers, people lay flowers at its feet paying respects, a year after his death.

For most people here, there’s little interest in squabbles among foreign nations.

“There are problems between the Americans and Russians, but that doesn’t matter to us,” said Jean Louis Yet, who works at Bangui’s market. “We are here working, trying our best to make a living.

“All we want is security.”

AP reporters James Pollard in New York; Michael Biesecker in Washington; Dasha Litvinova in Tallinn, Estonia; and Jean Fernand Koena in Central African Republic contributed to this report.

中非共和国班吉——俄罗斯雇佣兵头目叶夫根尼·普里戈任反抗其国家最高军事领导人数小时后，他在非洲的私人军队最大客户惊慌失措，转而向西方的敌人寻求帮助。

驻扎在中非共和国的约 1500 名普里戈任的神秘瓦格纳集团雇佣兵，当天，该国官员写了一封信，要求“迅速”安排与一家美国私人安保公司会面，讨论合作事宜。

这封日期为2023年6月23日（即普里戈任发动武装叛乱之日）的信件引发了一系列私人会晤，最终促成了中非国家与班克罗夫特全球发展公司达成协议。据十几位外交官、当地居民和分析人士称，这引发了俄罗斯雇佣兵的强烈反对。

中非共和国的紧张局势反映了莫斯科和华盛顿在整个非洲大陆争夺影响力的更大斗争。

俄罗斯雇佣兵以成功镇压这个贫困国家的叛乱为蓝本进行扩张，长期以来一直被当地居民和人权组织指控掠夺矿产、木材等自然资源，并与酷刑和杀害平民有关。在普里戈任叛乱和飞机失事身亡后，俄罗斯正在重新调整其在非洲的行动。多年来基本未介入该地区的美国，正试图维持在该地区的存在，并阻止俄罗斯的扩张，同时敦促非洲国家与这些雇佣兵保持距离。

美国官员指责俄罗斯煽动该地区的反美情绪，并表示他们正试图改变舆论走向。

“如果美国无法重新站稳脚跟，俄罗斯的经济和政治影响力可能会得到提升，”皇家联合军种研究所（一家国防和安全智库）的塞缪尔·拉马尼表示。“如果俄罗斯失去中非共和国——其在非洲大陆的旗舰模式——可能会在其他国家引发多米诺骨牌效应。”

近年来，俄罗斯已成为该地区越来越多国家政府的首选安全伙伴，取代了法国和美国等传统盟友的地位。

莫斯科积极扩大军事合作，利用瓦格纳集团等雇佣兵，自 2017 年左右以来，这些雇佣兵已在至少六个国家开展活动。他们的任务是保护非洲领导人，并在某些情况下帮助打击叛乱分子和极端分子。

这张由法国军方提供的未注明日期的照片显示，三名俄罗斯雇佣兵在马里北部。（法国陆军供图，美联社发布）

他们的人权记录也饱受诟病。两年前在马里，瓦格纳集团及其军队被指控处决了约300名男子——其中一些人被怀疑是伊斯兰极端分子，但大多数是平民——人权观察组织称这是该国长达十年的武装冲突中报告的最严重的单次暴行。据人权监督机构“哨兵”（The Sentry）称，在中非共和国，雇佣兵训练军队使用酷刑手段，包括如何割手、拔指甲、泼洒燃料和活活烧死人。

一名因害怕遭到报复而要求匿名的士兵证实了酷刑的存在，并告诉美联社，他亲眼目睹雇佣兵将一名战友关进闷热的集装箱作为惩罚。他说，人们可能被关在集装箱里长达三周，许多人因此丧命。

中非共和国是雇佣兵最早进入的国家之一。自2013年以来，该国一直处于冲突之中，当时以穆斯林为主的叛军夺取政权，迫使总统下台。2019年签署和平协议的14个武装团体中，有6个后来退出了该协议。当地民众和政府都称赞瓦格纳集团击退了试图在2021年占领首都班吉的叛军。俄罗斯人很快将势力扩展到布基纳法索和尼日尔，并渴望进一步扩张。

俄罗斯正在翻新位于班吉以西约50英里处的一个军事基地。俄罗斯驻中非共和国大使亚历山大·比坎托夫表示，该基地将提升该国的安全状况。

总统福斯坦-阿尔尚热·图瓦德拉的顾问菲德尔·古安吉卡表示，该基地的目标是到 2030 年拥有 10,000 名战士，以便与更多非洲国家进行接触。

一些国家将俄罗斯的影响力视为对其自身的威胁，但冲突分析人士表示，如果这些国家不提供类似的武力来打击武装团体，那么削弱俄罗斯的影响力将是一项挑战。

瓦格纳集团与中非共和国的安全体系联系紧密，专家表示，这可能会阻碍图瓦德拉轻松实现安全合作伙伴的多元化。

图瓦德拉的办公室没有回复就此事提出的书面置评请求。他的国家情报机构顾问拒绝接受采访。

来自美国的压力

多年来，美国一直敦促中非共和国寻找瓦格纳集团的替代方案。据一位熟悉会谈情况的美国官员透露，2022年12月的一次非公开会晤旨在寻求在不依赖雇佣兵的情况下改善安全状况的途径，但收效甚微。这位官员因会谈仍在进行中而要求匿名。

他说：“我们始终没能真正超越建立信任的阶段。关于XYZ将如何取代瓦格纳的具体步骤还很抽象，而且大门仍然敞开着。”

美国采取更强硬的立场是在其遭遇新的挫折并试图重新协商该地区各项协议之后做出的。其军队撤离了乍得和尼日尔，因为这两个国家不再欢迎他们。

2014年，中非共和国陆军学员在比萨附近的贝伦戈宫（Jean Bedel Bocassa's Berengo Palace）展示一枚仿真火箭筒。十年后，据称俄罗斯正在帮助将该地改建为军事基地。（杰罗姆·迪莱/美联社）

不过，美国国务院今年早些时候在一份声明中表示，它没有参与决定在中非共和国设立班克罗夫特全球发展机构。

但前非洲承包商、《战争新规则》一书的作者肖恩·麦克费特表示，如果华盛顿愿意，它可以拒绝此类合同。

麦克费特表示，美国利用私人军事公司来减少美国在非洲的“地面部队”，像班克罗夫特这样的公司如果想继续获得政府工作，就必须遵守华盛顿的规则。

针对美联社的提问，一位不愿透露姓名的美国官员表示，美国在非洲使用私人承包商来帮助各国更有效地运作，并由美国政府进行监督以确保问责。这位官员还表示，国务院监督了班克罗夫特公司在索马里的工作，但没有监督其在中非共和国或其他地区的工作。

班克罗夫特的背景

总部位于华盛顿的班克罗夫特基金会是一家非营利组织，在九个国家开展工作，其中五个位于非洲。该组织在索马里开展工作的时间最长，已超过15年，其部分工作是训练士兵打击极端组织青年党。

自去年秋天有迹象表明班克罗夫特集团在中非共和国的活动以来，其参与情况一直笼罩在神秘之中。

几个月后，美联社记者到访期间，有关班克罗夫特活动的传言四起，加剧了人们对美国正在派遣自己的瓦格纳来驱逐俄罗斯的猜测。

但据 Bancroft 创始人 Michael Stock 称，该集团是应 Bangui 的要求加入的。

“图瓦德拉觉得他的俄罗斯合作伙伴表现不佳，注意力分散，过于关注从啤酒厂到文化中心等其他方面的努力，而不是对抗叛军，”斯托克在班克罗夫特开始在那里开展业务以来的首次采访中告诉美联社。

斯托克说，图瓦德拉认为，合作伙伴多元化将促使俄罗斯服从，并满足美国人的要求。

斯托克说，普里戈任发动兵变后第二天，他就收到了总统府的来信，两人于9月签署了协议。

斯托克说，班克罗夫特公司在那里的工作人员不到 30 人，他们帮助中非共和国建立情报系统、开展机构间合作和执法工作。

斯托克表示，班克罗夫特公司已在那里投资了约140万美元。

俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京（右）与中非共和国总统福斯坦-阿尔尚热·图瓦德拉在俄罗斯圣彼得堡举行的2023年俄罗斯-非洲峰会期间会晤。（Artyom Geodakyan/塔斯社图片社，美联社供图）

班克罗夫特基金会的大部分资金来自美国和联合国的拨款。根据税务申报所需的审计报告显示，2018年至2020年间，该基金会从美国获得了超过4300万美元的拨款。

美国前情报分析员阿迈勒·阿里等批评人士表示，尽管班克罗夫特在索马里存在多年，但并未对真正根除恐怖主义做出任何贡献。

斯托克驳斥了这些评论，称其缺乏了解，并表示索马里和美国政府“一致认为班克罗夫特为打击非法武装团体和发展政府专业履行国防职能的能力做出了巨大贡献”。

地面上的强烈反对

人权组织表示，班克罗夫特行动缺乏透明度，加剧了该国本已猖獗的武装力量造成的不信任氛围。瓦格纳集团、联合国维和部队和卢旺达军队均已抵达当地，试图平息暴力冲突。

人权观察组织的刘易斯·穆奇表示：“在中非共和国以模糊不清、不透明的方式行事只会导致猜疑。”

斯托克为班克罗夫特的工作和政策辩护。他告诉美联社：“政府不公开其如何捍卫人民和国家利益是完全正常的。”

去年秋天，随着有关可能与班克罗夫特合作的报道出现，斯托克表示，他安排了一名工作人员在班吉的一家酒店等待俄罗斯的反应。

“我们预料到俄罗斯会大惊小怪，所以我们在班吉的唯一一名工作人员选择了一位会说俄语的人，他的任务就是整天坐在酒店花园里看书，等待俄罗斯人表明他们是想与我们合作、敌对还是无视我们，”斯托克说。

Stock表示，几周后的1月份，这名员工被俄罗斯军队拘留并审问了数小时，直到Touadera介入后才获释。

中非共和国和俄罗斯的官员均未回应有关此类事件的置评请求。俄罗斯驻中非共和国大使比坎托夫曾表示，班克罗夫特的出现并未影响与俄罗斯军方的合作。

2023年7月30日，在尼日尔首都尼亚美，一些尼日尔人挥舞着俄罗斯国旗，参加了由政变领导人阿卜杜拉赫曼·奇亚尼将军的支持者发起的游行。（萨姆·梅德尼克/美联社）

接下来的几个月里，针对美国人和美国机构的攻击仍在继续。一位处理过相关案件的外交官匿名透露，多名美国公民被拘留，护照也被没收，因为他没有被允许接受记者采访。罕见的反美抗议活动在美国驻班吉大使馆外爆发，当地青年成立了“调查美国活动委员会”，以监视班克罗夫特的行踪。

总统顾问古安吉卡表示，政府对美国人没有意见，那些被拒绝入境的人是因为缺少必要的文件。

在美国和俄罗斯争夺权力之际，非洲各国政府表示，他们希望做出自己的选择。

私人军事公司专家杰克·马戈林表示，中非共和国官员主动联系了班克罗夫特，这表明这些政府并没有成为俄罗斯的傀儡。

但他补充说，俄罗斯对班克罗夫特的反应可能会损害莫斯科在其他国家中的地位。

普里戈任死后，俄罗斯迅速接管了瓦格纳集团的资产，国防部告知瓦格纳集团业务所在国，俄罗斯将接管其资产。俄罗斯及其军事情报机构在非洲的军事行动中扮演了更加直接的角色，并派遣了更多来自军队的正式分遣队。

瓦格纳专家约翰·莱克纳表示，俄罗斯正试图重塑雇佣兵的形象，创建非洲军团，一个可能吸收瓦格纳的平行组织。

在中非共和国，俄罗斯政府对这些雇佣兵的影响力究竟有多大，目前尚不清楚。这些雇佣兵深受许多人喜爱，他们融入当地社会，酿造啤酒，光顾集市。尽管如此，他们大多行事低调，蒙面行走于街头，驾驶着没有标记的车辆。

对许多人来说，普里戈任是民族英雄。在他逝世一年后，人们站在市中心一座俄罗斯士兵纪念碑前，向纪念碑脚下献花致敬。

这里大多数人对外国之间的争端没什么兴趣。

“美国人和俄罗斯人之间存在一些问题，但这对我们来说并不重要，”在邦吉市场工作的让·路易·耶特说。“我们在这里工作，尽力谋生。”

我们想要的只是安全。

美联社记者詹姆斯·波拉德（纽约）、迈克尔·比塞克（华盛顿）、达莎·利特维诺娃（爱沙尼亚塔林）和让·费尔南德·科纳（中非共和国）对本报道亦有贡献。